30 de setembro de 2009

Antológica declaração de Cavaco

Uma peça de antologia política,
a «declaração à comunicação social»
feita por Aníbal Cavaco Silva (ontem, 29).

Como sempre e para que conste

Arquive-se



Destaques NF

  1. Durante a campanha eleitoral foram produzidas dezenas de declarações e notícias sobre escutas, ligando-as ao nome do Presidente da República e, no entanto, não existe em nenhuma declaração ou escrito do Presidente qualquer referência a escutas ou a algo com significado semelhante.

    Desafio qualquer um a verificar o que acabo de dizer.

    E tudo isto sendo sabido que a Presidência da República é um órgão unipessoal e que só o Presidente da República fala em nome dele ou então os seus chefes da Casa Civil ou da Casa Militar.

  2. Porquê toda aquela manipulação?
    Transmito-vos, a título excepcional, porque as circunstâncias o exigem, a minha interpretação dos factos.

    Outros poderão pensar de forma diferente. Mas os portugueses têm o direito de saber o que pensou e continua a pensar o Presidente da República.

    Durante o mês de Agosto, na minha casa no Algarve, quando dedicava boa parte do meu tempo à análise dos diplomas que tinha levado comigo para efeitos de promulgação, fui surpreendido com declarações de destacadas personalidades do partido do Governo exigindo ao Presidente da República que interrompesse as férias e viesse falar sobre a participação de membros da sua casa civil na elaboração do programa do PSD (o que, de acordo com a informação que me foi prestada, era mentira).

    E não tenho conhecimento de que no tempo dos presidentes que me antecederam no cargo, os membros das respectivas casas civis tenham sido limitados na sua liberdade cívica, incluindo contactos com os partidos a que pertenciam.

    Considerei graves aquelas declarações, um tipo de ultimato dirigido ao Presidente da República.

  3. A leitura pessoal que fiz dessas declarações foi a seguinte (normalmente não revelo a leitura pessoal que faço de declarações de políticos, mas, nas presentes circunstâncias, sou forçado a abrir uma excepção).

    Pretendia-se, quanto a mim, alcançar dois objectivos com aquelas declarações:

    Primeiro: Puxar o Presidente para a luta político-partidária, encostando-o ao PSD, apesar de todos saberem que eu, pela minha maneira de ser, sou particularmente rigoroso na isenção em relação a todas as forças partidárias.

    Segundo: Desviar as atenções do debate eleitoral das questões que realmente preocupavam os cidadãos.

    Foi esta a minha leitura e, nesse sentido, produzi uma declaração durante uma visita à aldeia de Querença, no concelho de Loulé, no dia 28 de Agosto.

  4. Muito do que depois foi dito ou escrito envolvendo o meu nome interpretei-o como visando consolidar aqueles dois objectivos.

    Incluindo as interrogações que qualquer cidadão pode fazer sobre como é que aqueles políticos sabiam dos passos dados por membros da Casa Civil da Presidência da República.

    Incluindo mesmo as interrogações atribuídas a um membro da minha Casa Civil, de que não tive conhecimento prévio e que tenho algumas dúvidas quanto aos termos exactos em que possam ter sido produzidas.

    Mas onde está o crime de alguém, a título pessoal, se interrogar sobre a razão das declarações políticas de outrem?

    Repito, para mim, pessoalmente, tudo não passava de tentativas de consolidar os dois objectivos já referidos: colar o Presidente ao PSD e desviar as atenções.

  5. E a mesma leitura fiz da publicação num jornal diário de um e-mail, velho de 17 meses, trocado entre jornalistas de um outro diário, sobre um assessor do gabinete do Primeiro-Ministro que esteve presente durante a visita que efectuei à Madeira, em Abril de 2008.

    Desconhecia totalmente a existência e o conteúdo do referido e-mail e, pessoalmente, tenho sérias dúvidas quanto à veracidade das afirmações nele contidas.

    Não conheço o assessor do Primeiro-Ministro nele referido, não sei com quem falou, não sei o que viu ou ouviu durante a minha visita à Madeira e se disso fez ou não relatos a alguém.

    Sobre mim próprio teria pouco a relatar que não fosse de todos conhecido. E por isso não atribuí qualquer importância à sua presença quando soube que tinha acompanhado a minha visita à Madeira.

  6. A primeira interrogação que fiz a mim próprio quando tive conhecimento da publicação do e-mail foi a seguinte: “porque é que é publicado agora, a uma semana do acto eleitoral, quando já passaram 17 meses”?

    Liguei imediatamente a publicação do e-mail aos objectivos visados pelas declarações produzidas em meados de Agosto.

    E, pessoalmente, confesso que não consigo ver bem onde está o crime de um cidadão, mesmo que seja membro do staff da casa civil do Presidente, ter sentimentos de desconfiança ou de outra natureza em relação a atitudes de outras pessoas.

  7. Mas o e-mail publicado deixava a dúvida na opinião pública sobre se teria sido violada uma regra básica que vigora na Presidência da República: ninguém está autorizado a falar em nome do Presidente da República, a não ser os seus chefes da Casa Civil e da Casa Militar. E embora me tenha sido garantido que tal não aconteceu, eu não podia deixar que a dúvida permanecesse.

    Foi por isso, e só por isso, que procedi a alterações na minha Casa Civil.

  8. A segunda interrogação que a publicação do referido e-mail me suscitou foi a seguinte: “será possível alguém do exterior entrar no meu computador e conhecer os meus e-mails? Estará a informação confidencial contida nos computadores da Presidência da República suficientemente protegida?”

    Foi para esclarecer esta questão que hoje ouvi várias entidades com responsabilidades na área da segurança. Fiquei a saber que existem vulnerabilidades e pedi que se estudasse a forma de as reduzir.

  9. Um Presidente da República tem, às vezes, que enfrentar problemas bem difíceis, assistir a graves manipulações, mas tem que ser capaz de resistir, em nome do que considera ser o superior interesse nacional. Mesmo que isso lhe possa causar custos pessoais. Para mim Portugal está primeiro.

    O Presidente da República não cede a pressões nem se deixa condicionar, seja por quem for.

    Foi por isso que entendi dever manter-me em silêncio durante a campanha eleitoral.

    Agora, passada a disputa eleitoral, e porque considero que foram ultrapassados os limites do tolerável e da decência, espero que os portugueses compreendam que fui forçado a fazer algo que não costumo fazer: partilhar convosco, em público, a interpretação que fiz sobre um assunto que inundou a comunicação social durante vários dias sem que alguma vez a ele eu me tenha referido, directa ou indirectamente.

    E sabendo todos que a Presidência da República é um órgão unipessoal e que, sobre as suas posições, só o Presidente se pronuncia.

    Uma última palavra quero dirigir aos portugueses: podem estar certos de que, por maiores que sejam as dificuldades, estarei aqui para defender os superiores interesses de Portugal.

Portugal. João Gomes Cravinho

Discurso do SENEC João Gomes Cravinho,
no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

Arquive-se.

28 de Septiembre de 2009

I wish you all the best for this General Assembly. Along with the Secretary-General Ban Kimoon, you can count on the firm support of Portugal in your work.

Allow me to start by endorsing fully Sweden's intervention, as Presidency of the European Union.

Mr. President, Fighting climate change is a moral imperative and a matter of survival. This is no longer a longterm issue. Its consequences are evident everywhere - from the Small Island States to Portugal, we can all witness it. The time to act is now.

I congratulate the Secretary-General for the timely high-level meeting on climate change. The objective of mobilizing political will and vision for the climate negotiations has been fulfilled.

The process of political consciousness is done. Governments are now better prepared to take the decisions necessary for an ambitious agreement in Copenhagen.

In December's summit, all States must assume bold commitments, within the measure of their respective responsibilities and capacities, so that the post-2012 regime is up to the challenge. If, on the contrary, we leave Copenhagen with a limited result, with small and insignificant reforms, we would be failing in our historic responsibilities.

As I said, we are all affected by climate change. But it is obvious that the consequences are unequal. Least Advanced Countries and Small Island States, not withstanding being the ones that pollute the least, are the ones that suffer the most with the impact of climate change.

Their increased vulnerabilities impose a larger responsibility to the international community.

Belonging to a community means responsibilities towards the other members of the community; and when we talk about the international community we are, therefore, automatically saying that it is our duty to support these countries in their adaptation and mitigation efforts.

The General Assembly Resolution on the international security impact of climate change is a good step forward. But this step must have follow up. The United Nations should promote an in-depth debate on this matter in all relevant instances in the session we are now starting.

Portugal is a country that has built its history by way of an extraordinary relationship with the sea. It is, therefore, natural that we promote the sustainable development of oceans and their resources through a coherent and effective approach. We see this as a strategic issue for the whole world. In this regard, Portugal has contributed in multiple contexts, namely to the Maritime Policy of the European Union and to the Ocean Strategy of the Portuguese Speaking Countries.

The Preservation of the environment must also take into account the energy question. Climate change brings us challenges but also great opportunities. Fully conscious of this, Portugal is strongly committed to renewable energies - solar, wind, hydro, biomass, and wave energy.

In 2010 we plan to produce 45% of our energy from renewable sources. In 2020 we will reach 60%. Furthermore, we have one of the lowest carbon emission rates per capita of the European Union. We are available to share our experience in this area with all interested member States.

A year ago, when we gathered in this room for the opening of the 63rd General Assembly, the world was awakening to an economic and financial crisis that we still face today. Recent positive signs witness the results of international coordination in dealing with this common threat, but we have full consciousness that the effects of this crisis continue to be felt in the life of millions of people throughout the world, and that the most vulnerable are again the main victims.

We are convinced of the need of the international financial system to be guided by principles of responsibility and transparency, and to strengthen regulation and supervision. We can and should make sure that the international market is based on the values, principles and patterns of conduct we share.

We should also assure that the benefits of the economic globalization have a more universal impact. The United Nations Global Compact is an important contribution in this sense.

The solution was not, is not, and will not be protectionism. Closing the door to our neighbors and partners means leaving people in poverty and letting medium-long term problems to solve at home. Therefore, it is crucial to rapidly conclude the Doha Round, in a way that fully corresponds to the global sustainable development objectives that have been charted.

At the same time, we renew our firm commitment to the Millennium Development Goals. We cannot allow the impact of the crisis to affect the gains we have achieved in this process. A State that forgets the common good, sooner or later, will have instability, poverty and insecurity knocking at its door.

Portugal, with sense of collective responsibility and international cohesion, will continue to contribute in the limit of its possibilities. We concentrate a large part of our action on development aid in Africa, where poverty is most striking.

In this regard, I would like to mention that Portugal currently holds one of the co-presidencies of the Africa Partnership Forum and, in this quality, in coordination with our African partners, we have transmitted to the G20 Presidency the specific preoccupations and interests of that continent, in areas such as the response to the economic and financial crisis and climate change.

Also regarding Africa, we continue strongly committed to the implementation of the first Action Plan and Common Strategy, adopted in Lisbon, in the second European Union and Africa summit, in December 2007.

Allow me to salute the people of Guinea-Bissau for the way the recent elections took place in their country. It is now up to the Guinean institutions the task of maintaining and consolidating peace and stability, and it is up to the international community to strengthen its assistance, strengthening institutional building and security sector reform. Portugal will continue strongly committed to this process, bearing in mind the interests expressed by the democratically elected institutions of Guinea-Bissau.

We celebrate this month the 10th anniversary of the self-determination referendum, and we take this occasion to pay a heartfelt tribute to the East-Timorese people. This was the corollary of the affirmation Timor-Leste's identity and of its admirable will of peace and development in a sovereign nation.

Guinea-Bissau and Timor-Leste are two countries that show the growing activity of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) in the promotion of peace, democracy, human rights, political stability, and social and economic development.

This Organization, which Portugal currently presides, has as one of its fundamental pillars the promotion of the Portuguese Language - one of the five most spoken languages in the world, vehicle of communication of over 250 million people, connecting States and peoples in all corners of the world. Therefore, it is ever more pressing and fair that Portuguese becomes an official language or a working language in international organizations.

Portugal also assumes the pro tempore Presidency of the Ibero-American Conference, and its summit will take place this year in Estoril, under the theme of innovation and knowledge.

In this regard, I underline that, as Presidency of CPLP and the Ibero-American Conference, Portugal has supported the participation and the involvement of emerging economies and developing countries, though regional institutions, in the debate over the reform of the international financial system.

Regarding the situation in Honduras, we call on the reestablishment of the democratic and constitutional legality and we recall the inviolability of the diplomatic mission of Brazil, in the light of the principles of the Viena Convention.

CPLP and the Ibero-American Conference are true paradigms of intercontinental cooperation, based in a communion of cultures and values. We also consider this to be the spirit that is in the essence of the Alliance of Civilizations. Thus, it is with great satisfaction that we witness the the enormous progress in the work of the Alliance, and thatin 2010 we shall participate in the II Forum of the Alliance, in Brazil - an event in which CPLP will have a special role. I take this occasion to congratulate the High-Representative of the Secretary-General for its valuable work.

Portugal is proud to have been within the first signatories of the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights, which has just opened for signature. We call on all United Nations member States to do so as well, so that this new international instrument of human rights may enter into force and speed up the implementation of all human rights for every human being.

Equally fundamental in the defense and promotion of human dignity is the continuous action of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, as well as the recent nomination of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence Against Children. In both cases I would like to highlight the committed and effective way in which they have assumed their responsibilities.

Mr. President, Terrorism and proliferation of nuclear weapons are the biggest challenges to international peace and security. In combating these threats it is essential to implement the respective international regimes and to continue to invest in international cooperation, in particular in the framework of the United Nations. All States that signed the Non-proliferation Nuclear Treaty must honor their obligations, without reservations.

Regarding the maintenance of international peace and security, we have never demanded so much from the United Nations. If peacekeeping operations are to have the deserved outcome, clear, credible and achievable mandates are absolutely necessary. It is also necessary the engagement of all member States through personnel contribution.

Portugal assumed its share, with both financial and operational contributions. More than twenty thousand members of Portuguese Armed Forces and three thousand from the Portuguese Police forces participated so far in peacekeeping operations. Today we have peacekeepers in Timor-Leste, Lebanon, Afghanistan and Chad.

One of the main challenges to peace and security is the Middle East Peace Process. Portugal reiterates its support to a two state solution, with the creation of an independent, democratic and viable Palestinian State, living side-by-side in peace and security with the State of Israel.

But to attain this objective it is paramount that Palestine disposes of a territory that enables its existence as a state.

In this context, Portugal will continue to support all efforts, namely those of Egypt and USA, having in mind the return to the negotiation process in accordance with the Security Council Resolution 1860 and in accordance with the principles contained in the various peace initiatives, namely the Arab Peace Initiative. We live days of opportunity, and it is fundamental that the - every day more united - opinion of the international community be fully listened by the parties.

In Iraq and in Afghanistan, we welcome the progress achieved in the last years, but we recognize the need for a continuous commitment of the international community. I express here the guaranty that Portugal will continue to assume its share.

Mr. President, Climate change, financial and economic crisis, sustainable development, human rights, threats to the international peace and security... To face such a vast array of global challenges, there is no more appropriate strategic agent than United Nations to transmit our collective response.

Today, more than ever, the collective concern reflects the national concern of each of us.

Today, more than ever, I underwrite Dag Hammarskjorld's vision of a United Nations as "a dynamic instrument to develop means of executive action" not solely limited to being "a machinery of static conferences for the resolution of conflicts of interests and ideologies".

To assure that the multilateralism we hereby profess be truly effective; To assure that the primacy of the United Nations in international politics and the respect for International Law is not merely rhetoric; To assure that this Organization is, increasingly more, the dynamic instrument Dag Hammarskjold glimmered; We must go further ahead in the reform of the United Nations. We must seek in this General Assembly a broad consensus that will allow what we all know to be necessary: reform the Security Council.

In doing so we should ask ourselves:



  1. Is a Security Council without Brazil and India as permanent members, and where Africa is not represented with that status, a truly representative Council?
  2. Is it coherent to defend a more efficient and transparent Organization and to have a Security Council without a reform of its working methods? Let us not rest with a discussion of a better Organization. Let us build together a more efficient, transparent and representative United Nations.
  3. - Portugal is, since 2000, candidate as non-permanent member of the Security Council for the biennium 2011-12.
We are candidates, in coherence with the history of our engagement with the United Nations, our capacity to listen and to dialog with other people and cultures, and our commitment towards fairer and balanced solutions in the international questions; We are candidates, in the name of the representativeness and the right of all countries, namely those of small and medium size - which constitute the majority of the members of this organization -to be present in the Security Council; We are candidates, at the service of sustainable development. And on behalf of the human values that bind us together and of the inalienable rights of all human beings; and of our common aspiration for a more just and peaceful world.

29 de setembro de 2009

Declaração de Aníbal Cavaco Silva

Declaração de Aníbal Cavaco Silva, sobre o caso das escutas e agora também da espionagem electrónica, ficando todos tão esclarecidos como antes.

Arquive-se.


Declaração
do Presidente da República


29 de Setembro de 2009

  1. Durante a campanha eleitoral foram produzidas dezenas de declarações e notícias sobre escutas, ligando-as ao nome do Presidente da República e, no entanto, não existe em nenhuma declaração ou escrito do Presidente qualquer referência a escutas ou a algo com significado semelhante.

    Desafio qualquer um a verificar o que acabo de dizer.

    E tudo isto sendo sabido que a Presidência da República é um órgão unipessoal e que só o Presidente da República fala em nome dele ou então os seus chefes da Casa Civil ou da Casa Militar.

  2. Porquê toda aquela manipulação?

    Transmito-vos, a título excepcional, porque as circunstâncias o exigem, a minha interpretação dos factos.

    Outros poderão pensar de forma diferente. Mas os portugueses têm o direito de saber o que pensou e continua a pensar o Presidente da República.

    Durante o mês de Agosto, na minha casa no Algarve, quando dedicava boa parte do meu tempo à análise dos diplomas que tinha levado comigo para efeitos de promulgação, fui surpreendido com declarações de destacadas personalidades do partido do Governo exigindo ao Presidente da República que interrompesse as férias e viesse falar sobre a participação de membros da sua casa civil na elaboração do programa do PSD (o que, de acordo com a informação que me foi prestada, era mentira).

    E não tenho conhecimento de que no tempo dos presidentes que me antecederam no cargo, os membros das respectivas casas civis tenham sido limitados na sua liberdade cívica, incluindo contactos com os partidos a que pertenciam.

    Considerei graves aquelas declarações, um tipo de ultimato dirigido ao Presidente da República.

  3. A leitura pessoal que fiz dessas declarações foi a seguinte (normalmente não revelo a leitura pessoal que faço de declarações de políticos, mas, nas presentes circunstâncias, sou forçado a abrir uma excepção).

    Pretendia-se, quanto a mim, alcançar dois objectivos com aquelas declarações:

    Primeiro: Puxar o Presidente para a luta político-partidária, encostando-o ao PSD, apesar de todos saberem que eu, pela minha maneira de ser, sou particularmente rigoroso na isenção em relação a todas as forças partidárias.

    Segundo: Desviar as atenções do debate eleitoral das questões que realmente preocupavam os cidadãos.

    Foi esta a minha leitura e, nesse sentido, produzi uma declaração durante uma visita à aldeia de Querença, no concelho de Loulé, no dia 28 de Agosto.

  4. Muito do que depois foi dito ou escrito envolvendo o meu nome interpretei-o como visando consolidar aqueles dois objectivos.

    Incluindo as interrogações que qualquer cidadão pode fazer sobre como é que aqueles políticos sabiam dos passos dados por membros da Casa Civil da Presidência da República.

    Incluindo mesmo as interrogações atribuídas a um membro da minha Casa Civil, de que não tive conhecimento prévio e que tenho algumas dúvidas quanto aos termos exactos em que possam ter sido produzidas.

    Mas onde está o crime de alguém, a título pessoal, se interrogar sobre a razão das declarações políticas de outrem?

    Repito, para mim, pessoalmente, tudo não passava de tentativas de consolidar os dois objectivos já referidos: colar o Presidente ao PSD e desviar as atenções.

  5. E a mesma leitura fiz da publicação num jornal diário de um e-mail, velho de 17 meses, trocado entre jornalistas de um outro diário, sobre um assessor do gabinete do Primeiro-Ministro que esteve presente durante a visita que efectuei à Madeira, em Abril de 2008.

    Desconhecia totalmente a existência e o conteúdo do referido e-mail e, pessoalmente, tenho sérias dúvidas quanto à veracidade das afirmações nele contidas.

    Não conheço o assessor do Primeiro-Ministro nele referido, não sei com quem falou, não sei o que viu ou ouviu durante a minha visita à Madeira e se disso fez ou não relatos a alguém.

    Sobre mim próprio teria pouco a relatar que não fosse de todos conhecido. E por isso não atribuí qualquer importância à sua presença quando soube que tinha acompanhado a minha visita à Madeira.

  6. A primeira interrogação que fiz a mim próprio quando tive conhecimento da publicação do e-mail foi a seguinte: “porque é que é publicado agora, a uma semana do acto eleitoral, quando já passaram 17 meses”?

    Liguei imediatamente a publicação do e-mail aos objectivos visados pelas declarações produzidas em meados de Agosto.

    E, pessoalmente, confesso que não consigo ver bem onde está o crime de um cidadão, mesmo que seja membro do staff da casa civil do Presidente, ter sentimentos de desconfiança ou de outra natureza em relação a atitudes de outras pessoas.

  7. Mas o e-mail publicado deixava a dúvida na opinião pública sobre se teria sido violada uma regra básica que vigora na Presidência da República: ninguém está autorizado a falar em nome do Presidente da República, a não ser os seus chefes da Casa Civil e da Casa Militar. E embora me tenha sido garantido que tal não aconteceu, eu não podia deixar que a dúvida permanecesse.

    Foi por isso, e só por isso, que procedi a alterações na minha Casa Civil.

  8. A segunda interrogação que a publicação do referido e-mail me suscitou foi a seguinte: “será possível alguém do exterior entrar no meu computador e conhecer os meus e-mails? Estará a informação confidencial contida nos computadores da Presidência da República suficientemente protegida?”

    Foi para esclarecer esta questão que hoje ouvi várias entidades com responsabilidades na área da segurança. Fiquei a saber que existem vulnerabilidades e pedi que se estudasse a forma de as reduzir.

  9. Um Presidente da República tem, às vezes, que enfrentar problemas bem difíceis, assistir a graves manipulações, mas tem que ser capaz de resistir, em nome do que considera ser o superior interesse nacional. Mesmo que isso lhe possa causar custos pessoais. Para mim Portugal está primeiro.

    O Presidente da República não cede a pressões nem se deixa condicionar, seja por quem for.

    Foi por isso que entendi dever manter-me em silêncio durante a campanha eleitoral.

    Agora, passada a disputa eleitoral, e porque considero que foram ultrapassados os limites do tolerável e da decência, espero que os portugueses compreendam que fui forçado a fazer algo que não costumo fazer: partilhar convosco, em público, a interpretação que fiz sobre um assunto que inundou a comunicação social durante vários dias sem que alguma vez a ele eu me tenha referido, directa ou indirectamente.

    E sabendo todos que a Presidência da República é um órgão unipessoal e que, sobre as suas posições, só o Presidente se pronuncia.

    Uma última palavra quero dirigir aos portugueses: podem estar certos de que, por maiores que sejam as dificuldades, estarei aqui para defender os superiores interesses de Portugal.

    28 de setembro de 2009

    Cuba. Bruno Rodriguez Parrilla

    Discurso do MNE de Cuba, Bruno Rodriguez Parrilla, no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

    Arquive-se.
    28 de Septiembre de 2009

    Deseo felicitarlo por su elección y confirmarle nuestra confianza en su capacidad para conducir con certeza nuestros trabajos y deliberaciones.

    Deseo reconocer también la excelente gestión del Padre Miguel D' Escoto, Presidente del recién concluido período de sesiones. La dimensión ética y el alcance político de su Presidencia nos hicieron avanzar en el propósito de devolver a esta Asamblea todos sus poderes y constituirán una obligada referencia en el futuro. Con su ejemplo, ha quedado más claro que reformar a las Naciones Unidas es democratizarlas y acercarlas a los pueblos.

    Desde que se celebró el debate general hace un año, han ocurrido acontecimientos significativos en la escena internacional. El cambio climático es más perceptible y peligroso. La crisis económica adquirió carácter intenso y global. Creció la exclusión social.

    Sin embargo, la comunidad internacional reaccionó con profundo optimismo al cambio de gobierno en Washington. Parecía que terminaba una etapa de extrema agresividad, unilateralismo y arrogancia en la política exterior de ese país y quedaba hundido en el repudio el infame legado del régimen de George W. Bush.

    Como en esta misma sala pudo apreciarse, el discurso novedoso y conciliador procedente de la Casa Blanca concita amplia esperanza y sus reiterados mensajes de cambio, diálogo y cooperación han sido bienvenidos. Desafortunadamente, el tiempo transcurre y el discurso no parece sustentarse en hechos concretos. El discurso y la realidad no coinciden.

    Lo más grave y peligroso de esta nueva situación es la incertidumbre sobre la capacidad real de las actuales autoridades en Washington para superar las corrientes políticas e ideológicas que bajo el mandatario anterior amenazaron al mundo.

    Las fuerzas neoconservadoras, que colocaron a George Bush en la Presidencia, promotoras del uso de la fuerza y la dominación, al amparo del descomunal poderío militar y económico estadounidense; responsables de crímenes que incluyen la tortura, el asesinato y la manipulación del pueblo norteamericano, se han reagrupado rápidamente y conservan inmensos resortes de poder e influencia contrarios al cambio anunciado.

    No se ha cerrado el centro de detención y tortura en la Base Naval de Guantánamo que usurpa territorio cubano. No se ha producido la retirada de las tropas de ocupación en Irak. La guerra en Afganistán se expande y amenaza a otros Estados.

    En el caso de Cuba, que ha sufrido la agresión de Estados Unidos durante medio siglo, el nuevo gobierno anunció el pasado abril medidas para suprimir algunas de las acciones más brutales del gobierno de George W. Bush que prohibían los vínculos de los cubanos residentes en los Estados Unidos con sus familiares en Cuba, en particular, la posibilidad de visitarlos y de enviarles ayuda sin limitaciones.

    Estas medidas constituyen un paso positivo, pero extremadamente limitado e insuficiente.

    El anuncio incluyó la autorización para que empresas estadounidenses realicen determinadas operaciones de telecomunicaciones con Cuba, pero no se han modificado otras restricciones que impiden su aplicación. Tampoco hay signos de que el gobierno norteamericano se disponga a poner fin a la práctica inmoral, extendida en los últimos días, de robar fondos cubanos congelados en bancos norteamericanos y otros bienes, al amparo de órdenes de jueces venales que violan sus propias leyes.

    Lo esencial es que el bloqueo económico, comercial y financiero contra Cuba permanece intacto.

    El Presidente de los Estados Unidos, pese a la existencia de leyes como la Helms- Burton, conserva amplias facultades ejecutivas, como las licencias, mediante las cuales podría modificar la aplicación del bloqueo.

    Si existiera una verdadera voluntad de cambio, el gobierno norteamericano podría autorizar la exportación de bienes y servicios cubanos a los Estados Unidos y de los Estados Unidos a Cuba.

    Podría permitir a Cuba adquirir en cualquier parte del mundo un producto que contenga más de un 10% de componentes o tecnología de los Estados Unidos, con independencia de su marca u origen.

    El Departamento del Tesoro podría abstenerse de perseguir, congelar y confiscar las transferencias de terceros países en dólares estadounidenses y otras monedas, dirigidas a entidades y nacionales cubanos.

    Washington podría suspender la prohibición a embarcaciones de terceros países de atracar en puertos de los Estados Unidos hasta 180 días después de haber tocado un puerto cubano.

    Podría también suspenderse la persecución por parte del Departamento del Tesoro a las empresas y entidades financieras que comercian y operan con Cuba.

    El Presidente Obama podría permitir a los ciudadanos estadounidenses, mediante licencias, viajar a Cuba, único país del mundo que se les prohibe visitar.

    El informe a esta Asamblea del Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas, cuenta con ejemplos abundantes. En el año 2009, se han registrado numerosas acciones para multar, confiscar y entorpecer transacciones cubanas y de terceros países hacia Cuba.

    Según informa el propio Departamento del Tesoro, desde enero de este año, casi la mitad del dinero recaudado por su Oficina de Control de Activos Extranjeros, provino de las sanciones aplicadas a empresas estadounidenses y extranjeras por supuestas violaciones del bloqueo económico contra Cuba.

    El hecho cierto e indiscutible es que el nuevo Gobierno de los Estados Unidos permanece sin atender el reclamo abrumador de la comunidad internacional, expresado en esta Asamblea General año tras año, para que se ponga fin al bloqueo contra Cuba.

    Hace dos semanas, el Presidente Obama notificó a los Secretarios de Estado y del Tesoro, contra lo que reflejan todas las encuestas de opinión de los norteamericanos, que "es de interés nacional" mantener las sanciones económicas contra Cuba bajo la Ley de Comercio con el Enemigo, aprobada en 1917 para enfrentar situaciones de guerra y que sólo se aplica a Cuba.

    El bloqueo de los Estados Unidos contra Cuba es un acto de agresión unilateral al que se le debe poner fin de manera unilateral.

    Desde hace muchos años, Cuba ha expresado su disposición a la normalización de relaciones con los Estados Unidos.

    El pasado primero de agosto, el Presidente Raúl Castro reiteró públicamente la disposición de Cuba de sostener con Estados Unidos un diálogo respetuoso, entre ¡guales, sin sombra para nuestra independencia, soberanía y autodeterminación.

    Acotó que debemos respetar mutuamente nuestras diferencias y que no le reconocemos al gobierno de ese país, a ningún otro ni a conjunto de Estados alguno, jurisdicción sobre nuestros asuntos soberanos.

    El gobierno de Cuba ha propuesto al gobierno de los Estados Unidos como temas esenciales que considera necesario abordar en un eventual proceso de diálogo dirigido a mejorar las relaciones, el levantamiento del bloqueo económico, comercial y financiero; la exclusión de Cuba de la espuria lista de países terroristas; la abrogación de la Ley de Ajuste Cubano y la "política de pies secos-pies mojados"; la compensación por daños económicos y humanos, la devolución del territorio ocupado por la Base Naval de Guantánamo; el fin de las agresiones radiales y televisivas desde los Estados Unidos contra Cuba, y el cese del financiamiento a la subversión interna.

    Un tema esencial en esa agenda es la liberación de los Cinco antiterroristas cubanos que sufren, desde hace once años, injusta prisión en los Estados Unidos.

    El Presidente Obama tiene las prerrogativas constitucionales para ponerlos en libertad, como acto de justicia y de compromiso de su Gobierno contra del terrorismo.

    Hemos propuesto a los Estados Unidos, además iniciar conversaciones para establecer cooperación en el enfrentamiento al narcotráfico, al terrorismo y al tráfico de personas, para proteger el medio ambiente y enfrentar los desastres naturales.

    En este espíritu, el gobierno cubano ha sostenido, con el de los Estados Unidos, conversaciones migratorias y sobre el restablecimiento del servicio de correo postal directo. Dichas conversaciones han sido respetuosas y útiles.

    Cuba disfruta de vínculos amplios y productivos en todos los rincones del planeta.

    Con la única excepción de los Estados Unidos, Cuba tiene relaciones de amistad con todos los países de este hemisferio y cuenta con la solidaridad de la región.

    Practicamos la cooperación solidaria con decenas de países de África, Asia y de América Latina y el Caribe.

    El nuestro es un país estable, con un pueblo unido, culto y saludable, que ha demostrado con creces que es capaz de enfrentar, aun en condiciones de bloqueo, las consecuencias de la crisis económica global y los efectos del cambio climático, que en el último año costaron a la economía nacional el 20% de su Producto Interno Bruto.

    Cuba tiene condiciones para encarar sus propios problemas y encontrarles solución.

    Lo hacemos en una sociedad justa y equitativa, que descansa sobre sus propios esfuerzos y que ha podido avanzar y encaminar su desarrollo en las condiciones más adversas.

    Estamos preparados para seguir asumiendo esos retos con ecuanimidad y paciencia, con la confianza de que ningún ciudadano ha quedado ni quedará desamparado, y con la seguridad de que defendemos una causa de independencia nacional y un proyecto socialista que cuentan con un enorme respaldo de los cubanos.

    Sufren espejismos quienes tratan de poner fin a la Revolución y doblegar la voluntad del pueblo cubano. El patriotismo, la justicia social y la decisión de defender la independencia, forman parte de nuestra identidad nacional.

    América Latina y el Caribe viven una dramática coyuntura, que se define por la aguda contradicción entre las grandes mayorías, que junto a gobiernos progresistas y amplios movimientos sociales reclaman justicia y equidad, frente a las oligarquías tradicionales empeñadas en preservar sus privilegios.

    El golpe de Estado en Honduras es un reflejo. Los golpistas y usurpadores que secuestraron al Presidente legítimo de ese país, violan la Constitución y reprimen brutalmente al pueblo, como en la época oscura de las dictaduras militares sostenidas por Estados Unidos en América Latina.

    Cientos de miles de asesinados, desaparecidos y torturados se agitan en la conciencia de "Nuestra América" ante la impunidad.

    Todavía no se ha aclarado por qué el avión que secuestraba al Presidente constitucional hizo escala en la Base Aérea norteamericana de Palmerola. La derecha fascista norteamericana, que simboliza Cheney, apoya abiertamente y sustenta el golpe.

    El Presidente José Manuel Zelaya debe ser restituido, de forma plena, inmediata e incondicional en el ejercicio de sus funciones constitucionales.

    La inviolabilidad de la Embajada de Brasil en Tegucigalpa tiene que ser respetada y el asedio y la agresión a sus predios deben cesar.

    El pueblo hondureno resiste heroicamente y dirá la última palabra.

    Estos hechos coinciden con el renovado y agresivo interés de los Estados Unidos en implantar bases militares en América Latina y el restablecimiento de la Cuarta Flota, obviamente con el objetivo de poner a la región al alcance de las tropas norteamericanas sólo en cuestión de horas, amenazar a los procesos revolucionarios y progresistas, en particular a la Revolución Bolivariana en la hermana Venezuela, y de procurar el control del petróleo y otros recursos naturales de la región.

    Las calumnias y las mentiras contra la República Bolivariana de Venezuela son brutales. Debe recordarse que así surgieron y se llevaron a cabo atroces agresiones contra nuestra Patria.

    Cuanto más amplia y más clara sea la política hacia ese hermano país; más se contribuirá a la paz, la independencia y el desarrollo de los pueblos de América Latina y el Caribe.

    América Latina y el Caribe pueden avanzar y hasta cierto grado avanzan hacia formas nuevas y superiores de integración. Dispone de agua, tierras, bosques, recursos minerales y energéticos superiores a cualquier otra región del planeta. Su población rebasa los 570 millones.

    El Grupo de Río, la Cumbre de América Latina y el Caribe sobre Integración y Desarrollo (CALC) y UNASUR son organismos creados en virtud de los lazos que nos unen.

    La Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (ALBA-TCP) y el esquema de cooperación de PETROCARIBE, son ejemplos cimeros.

    Los recientes y moderadamente optimistas pronósticos sobre la evolución de la crisis económica global, que auguran una posible recuperación económica para inicios del año próximo, no se sustentan en datos sólidos y, en el mejor de los casos, sólo refieren un alivio de la caída experimentada por un grupo muy restringido de las economías más poderosas del planeta.

    Nadie debiera ignorar que se trata de una crisis inédita del sistema capitalista que engloba respectivas crisis alimentaria, energética, ecológica, social y financiera; ni el peligro de la combinación infiación-deuda, del estallido de otras burbujas financieras o de una segunda caída.

    Los países en desarrollo no son responsables sino víctimas de las consecuencias del modelo irracional e insostenible de consumo, de la explotación y la especulación, del ataque al medio ambiente, de la corrupción en las economías industrializadas.

    Mientras se debate, el número de hambrientos alcanzará una cifra record de 1 020 millones en el 2009, la sexta parte de la población mundial. En este año serán lanzadas a la pobreza unos 90 millones de personas más y al desempleo otros 50 millones. Otros 400 mil niños, previsiblemente, morirán a consecuencia de la crisis en estos meses.

    Las medidas que se adoptan son simples paliativos, que preservan las graves deficiencias de un sistema económico internacional injusto, excluyente y ecológicamente insostenible. Es necesario un diálogo internacional, plenamente abarcador e inclusivo, con la activa participación de todos los países en desarrollo.

    Se requiere establecer un nuevo orden económico internacional, basado en la solidaridad, la justicia, la equidad y el desarrollo sostenible. La arquitectura financiera internacional debe ser refundada. A las Naciones Unidas, y en particular a esta Asamblea General, corresponde un papel central en este esfuerzo.

    Al concluir estas palabras, deseo reiterar el agradecimiento de Cuba por la tradicional e inapreciable solidaridad que ha recibido de esta Asamblea General en su lucha contra la agresión y el bloqueo. Hoy esa solidaridad continúa siendo imprescindible.

    Como expresó el Comandante en Jefe Fidel Castro Ruz, en este mismo podio, hace nueve años: "Nada de lo que existe en el orden económico y político sirve a los intereses de la humanidad. No puede sostenerse. Hay que cambiarlo. Basta recordar que somos ya más de 6 mil millones de habitantes de los cuales el 80 porciento es pobre. Enfermedades milenarias de los países del Tercer Mundo como la malaria, la tuberculosis y otras igualmente mortíferas no han sido vencidas; nuevas epidemias como el SIDA amenazan con extinguir la población de naciones enteras, mientras los países ricos invierten sumas fabulosas en gastos militares y lujos, y una plaga voraz de especuladores intercambian monedas, acciones y otros valores reales o ficticios, por sumas que se elevan a millones de millones de dólares cada día. La naturales es destrozada, el clima cambia a ojos vista, las aguas para el consumo humano se contamina y escasean; los mares ven agotarse las fuentes de alimentos para el hombre; recursos vitales no renovables se derrochan en lujos y vanidades... El sueño de alcanzar normas verdaderamente justas y racionales que rijan los destinos humanos, a muchos les parece imposible. ¡Nuestra convicción es que la lucha por lo imposible debe ser el lema de esta institución que hoy nos reúne!" Pese a todo, la Revolución cubana celebra victoriosa y segura su 50 Aniversario.

    26 de setembro de 2009

    Carlos Gomes Júnior, Guiné-Bissau

    Discurso do primeiro-ministro da Guiné-Bissau, Carlos Gomes Júnior, no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

    Arquive-se.

    26 September 2009

    My first words are of congratulations to you, Mr. Ali Triki, for your election to the presidency of the 64th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.

    Knowing your skill and vast diplomatic experience, we are convinced that this session will be crowned with success.

    My country, Guinea-Bissau, which has excellent relations of friendship and cooperation with your country, Libya, welcomes your election and assures you its fraternal cooperation during your term.

    Allow me to congratulate and express the recognition of Guinea-Bissau to Father Miguel d'Escoto Brockman, for his performance and dedication to the successful conduit of the work of the 63rd Session.

    Allow me also to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki Moon, for his comprehensive report on the activities of our organization and the excellent work he has done towards the consolidation of peace and development in the world.

    I would particularly like to congratulate you for holding a high-level meeting on climate change this past 22nd as a prelude to the Copenhagen Conference, to be held in December.

    Six months after the crisis provoked by the assassination of the President, we have restored constitutional normality, and the organs of State power are in a position to fulfill the role given to them by our Constitution.

    We have just inaugurated the new President of the Republic, His Excellency Malan Bacai Sanha, democratically elected in elections deemed free, fair and transparent by all political parties and candidates, and by international observers.

    The party that I have the honor to preside, the PAIGC, has a qualified majority in parliament, has a government of inclusion and now a President of the Republic out of its ranks. Never in the history of the country could such great conditions for stability be met.

    We have thus created the conditions for implementing the pressing reforms that the country needs, in particular, the reform in public administration, with particular emphasis on the Defense and Security sector, as well as Public Finance, Decentralization, and Modernization of the state apparatus.

    In this regard, I would like to highlight the role and contribution of sub-regional organizations such as ECOWAS and the UEMOA, the CPLP, the African Union and the United Nations, whose constant support has allowed our government to make substantive progress in the normalization of the country's political, economic and social life and development.

    I would further like to highlight the substantial support provided by the European Union during the difficult period we went through. In addition, I would like to thank the brothers of the CPLP countries for their continued commitment and solidarity.

    The latest crisis situation in Guinea-Bissau resulted in the assassinations of the Head of State and the Chief of Staff of the Guinean Armed Forces.

    Those tragic events surprised and shocked the entire Guinean society and the international community. They revealed the vulnerabilities of our Rule of Law and the weaknesses of the system of national defense and security.

    In addition to strongly condemning these crimes, the Government immediately ordered the creation of a committee that would allow us to find the truth and make the perpetrators accountable.

    Afterwards, concerned about the objectivity, transparency and speed of the process, our Government requested the UN Secretary-General to carry out an International Survey, conducted by the United Nations. In response to that and based on Resolutions of the Security Council, the Secretary-General urged the Government to continue its own investigation of those crimes, offering, however, to intervene with the African Union, ECOWAS and the CPLP to get the technical, financial, and other type of support that might be necessary.

    Following the response from the Secretary-General, the government sent requests for support to these organizations, but has not received a response so far. The Government is truly looking forward to any assistance that can be offered by the African Union, ECOWAS and the CPLP.

    We want to take advantage of our presence in New York to engage with all these organizations, to ensure the conditions for a new dynamic to the work of the Inquiry Committee, and we consider the attainment of that objective an essential condition to ensure true justice, to contribute to the consolidation of the democratic rule of law and the protection and promotion of human rights.

    We seize this opportunity to, from this podium, firmly and unequivocally reaffirm that we are against impunity. We will not be a party to it, nor give coverage to any type of crime. So I can assure you that the Government of Guinea-Bissau will do everything in its power to create the conditions for the committee to carry out its work in a peaceful, transparent and credible manner.

    These events caused a serious crisis in my country, leading to a radical change in the priorities of the government's policy, namely the necessity of holding presidential elections.

    However, despite the gravity of the situation, the response of our institutions was swift and positive. The President of the People's National Assembly temporarily assumed the Presidency of the Republic, as provided in the Constitution, and a date was immediately set for the holding of early presidential elections, according to the Covenant of Understanding among the political parties.

    The mandate of the interim president, just recently ended, was marked by the promotion of a constructive and frank dialogue between the civil society and the political society, particularly in clarifying the objectives of the reform of the Defense and Security sector, which is a crucial pillar for peace and stability in the country.

    In Guinea-Bissau, the creation of the armed forces preceded the creation of the State itself, and the latter end up inheriting the burden of complex problems arising from the existence of an armed struggle for national liberation.

    Like other countries that had a similar past, problems associated with this condition are not easy to overcome, especially when facing survival issues that plague all of society.

    Aware of these facts, the Government held last May, with the help of development partners, the United Nations, ECOWAS and the CPLP, a Round Table in Praia, Cape Verde, to jointly evaluate the proposed Reform Program for the Defense and Security sectors.

    The continuation of the reform program in the military and security forces, within which the establishment of a Special Pensions Fund is planned, specially designed to deal with these issues, can contribute to solving these problems once and for all.

    My government has just concluded a thorough assessment of our National Strategy for Poverty Reduction.

    The results of this evaluation allowed us to conclude that we must strengthen our action on all the axes that define the strategy. It also enabled us, after careful consideration, to determine that the biggest impediment to the development of our country lies in the energy sector, and it was concluded that the first priority should be to develop an energy plan that solves this problem definitively.

    Therefore, we would like to use this forum to ask our development partners that the interim review of our strategy to reduce poverty and its respective program is carried out as soon as possible so that we can organize, together with our partners, a Round Table to address the need to strengthen the technical, economic and financial cooperation programs with our country.

    This Round Table that we want to organize under the billboard of Reconciliation and Development, will take into account the new strategic direction advocated by the Security Council, with the transformation of the current UN Mission in Guinea-Bissau into an Integrated Mission starting January 2010.

    I believe I am in a position to say that by working selflessly within this framework and the resources that we get, we will be better able to accomplish the Millennium Development Goals set by the United Nations, particularly with regards to the consolidation of peace and stability in our country.

    The concern with the stability in the sub-region and the world at large, and with devoting more attention to promoting development, leads us to welcome with satisfaction, and encourage the policy of President Obama towards Africa, recently clarified during the visits made to some African countries, as well as the peace initiatives that are underway in the Middle East under their patronage.

    We also welcome with satisfaction the U.S. administration's policy towards Cuba, hoping that the lifting of the embargo may occur in the short term.

    Mr. President, For many years, we have been asking our development partners for a postconflict program for Guinea-Bissau.

    A country with such severe shortages as ours should not be abandoned to its fate, knowing the profound consequences that the political-military conflict of 1998/1999 left in all sectors of the socio-economic life of Guinea-Bissau.

    The Guinea-Bissau that had foreign currency reserves to provide for six months of imports, and that paid regular wages to its State employees, can no longer honor its commitments because of the war.

    I am therefore particularly pleased with the attitude of the African Development Bank, which, understanding the needs of a post-conflict country, turned an important part of the financial resources available to Guinea-Bissau into donations.

    Likewise, we welcome the recent decision by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to negotiate and conclude a Post-Conflict Program with our government, which will soon be joining the Growth Facility and Poverty Reduction, contributing to further the cooperation with our key development partners. We hope this new and dynamic level of cooperation will enable us to benefit from the initiative for debt relief under the HIPC.

    Allow me to publicly express our appreciation for the Heads of State of the UEMOA, Angola, Nigeria, the Leader and Guide of the Great Socialist Libyan Arab Jamahirya, as well as the CPLP and the European Union for their support to cover our budget deficit, which greatly contributes to the climate of peace we now live.

    Moreover, we note the presence of South Africa, Brazil and India, which have been contributing significantly to the reduction of food shortage in our country through the IBAS program.

    I would like to assure you that, while responsible for conducting governmental actions in Guinea-Bissau, we will strive to continue to earn the trust and support that the international community has deposited in us.

    We will do everything for Guinea-Bissau to make strides towards the development and well being of its people.

    We are of the opinion that Guineans themselves should seek to resolve their internal problems, especially those arising from social, political, and military issues.

    However, we are forced to recognize that the reasons for the cyclical crises that occur in our country are not only domestic. Factors such as transnational organized crime and drug trafficking in particular, have contributed to exacerbate the situation in Guinea-Bissau.

    Taking advantage of our shortcomings in the control of sea and land borders, and in our administration, which is weak in some regions, as well as using sophisticated means, drugs were introduced in our country with the support received from influential people in state the apparatus.

    My Government is committed to participating in all programs and initiatives that are adopted in the sub-region of West Africa to combat drug trafficking and organized crime, convinced of the need to establish mechanisms for coordination and support to do this.

    We are prepared to examine the possibility of participation, in our country, of foreign forces in joint surveillance missions of our land and maritime borders and airspace, in order to eradicate organized crime and all forms of trafficking in drugs, weapons and people, from or through the territory of Guinea-Bissau.

    I would like to state before this Noble Assembly, my commitment as Prime Minister and President of the historic party founded by Amilcar Cabral, the PAIGC, to strive to put Guinea-Bissau on the path of peace, national reconciliation and development. We will respect all the commitments made by my government, whether related to peace-building, policy dialogue, poverty reduction and creation of conditions conducive to economic growth and well being of the Guinean people.

    I ask the international community, and our development partners who believe in our determination to end the cyclical crises and the recurring conflicts in Guinea-Bissau, to provide a new opportunity to our country for a true partnership towards sustainable development.

    I want to thank all friends and partners of Guinea-Bissau for their solidarity and support. I can assure you that we will spare no efforts and will not be deterred by any obstacles in consolidating peace and political stability, promote national unity in Guinea-Bissau and to create better living conditions for the Guinean people.

    I leave this podium with a very special thank you to all who contributed to this normalization, with particular attention, if you will allow me, to all members of the Contact Group, the Special Advisory Group on Guinea-Bissau, recently extinct, all members of the Security Council, as well as to the Secretary-General and his Representative in Guinea-Bissau.

    However, the most sublime show of appreciation on our part would be to build a peaceful and prosperous Guinea-Bissau for all its children, which we will with all our might.

    25 de setembro de 2009

    O cacau do IPAD

    Quem e quanto recebeu. Há gente que não se pode queixar.

    Arquive-se.

    Listagem das transferências correntes e de capital
    concedidos pelo IPAD no 1º semestre de 2009


    1. ACEP (Associação para a Cooperação entre os Povos)
      Reforço das Organizações Comunitárias e das suas iniciativas de apoio às actividades de produção, transformação e comercialização nos sectores de Tite e Falacunda (1.ª Fase)
      → 21.759,89
    2. ADPM (Associação Internacional para a Cooperação e o Desenvolvimento Natural e Cultural do Concelho de Mértola)
      Sementes
      → 52.959,20
    3. ADRA (Portugal - Associação Adventista para o Desenvolvimento)
      Recusos e Assistência. Mulheres Empreendedoras
      → 16.922,23
    4. AIDGLOBAL (Acção e Integração para o Desenvolvimento Global)
      Educar para Cooperar
      → 38.650,4
    5. AJPAZ (Acção para a Justiça e Paz
      De lés a lés : Solidariedade Global
      → 35.890,40
    6. AJPAZ (Acção para a Justiça e Paz)
      Elas, no Norte e no Sul - Mulheres ao Desenvolvimento
      → 29.073,60
    7. AMI (Assistência Médica Internacional)
      Missão de Urgência de Apoio à Situação Crítica da Saúde no Zimbabué
      → 40.000,00
    8. Associação de Imigrantes dos PALOP nos Açores
      Gabinete de Apoio ao Migrante (Cabo Verde)
      → 25.000,00
    9. Centro de Ensino à Distância de Díli
      Centro de Ensino à Distância
      → 33.378,13
    10. CENTROP (Centros de Estudos Tropicais para o Desenvolvimento)
      Apoio Financeiro à formação Avançada de quadros do Min. Agricultura e do desenvolvimento Rural de Angola – Angola
      → 238.316,33
    11. CENTROP (Centros de Estudos Tropicais para o Desenvolvimento
      Apoio Financeiro ao programa de Desenvolvimento Agrícola Rural
      → 54.743,89
    12. CENTROP (Centros de Estudos Tropicais para o Desenvolvimento)
      Patrocínio ao 10th International Working Conference on Stored Product Protection
      → 15.000,00
    13. CES (Centro de Estudos Sociais)
      Estudo Segurança Humana no contexto de Estados Frágeis
      → 16.567,18
    14. CIDAC (Centro de Informação e Documentação Amílcar Cabral)
      Transformando Mundos
      → 58.646,23
    15. CPLP
      Assessoria Imprensa
      → 35.000,00
    16. CPLP
      Assessoria Assuntos Políticos
      → 35.000,00
    17. CPLP
      3.º Encontro Lusófono sobre Ambiente
      → 20.000,00
    18. CPLP
      II Bienal da Aprendizagem da Matemática, Língua Portuguesa e Tecnologias
      → 16.560,00
    19. CPLP
      Meninos de Rua: Inclusão e Inserção
      → 142.295,00
    20. FEC- Fundação Evangelização e Cultura
      Enlaces II
      → 38.253,74
    21. Fundação.Gonçalo da Silveira
      Campanha Educativa M-Igual (?)
      → 31.066,40
    22. Fundação.Mário Soares
      Reforço de Cooperação de Portugal e os Países da CPLP no âmbito da preservação da memória histórica
      → 150.000,00
    23. Fundação Aga Khan
      Programa de Desenvolvimento Rural na Costa de cabo Delgado (Moçambique)
      → 140.000,00
    24. Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian
      Projecto Apoio ao Instituto de Ciências da Saúde
      → 80.496,24
    25. Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian
      Apoio à criação de um Centro de Investigação em saúde em Angola
      → 546.200,36
    26. Fundação das Universidades Portuguesas
      Programa de Apoio à Universidade Nacional de Timor-Leste
      → 353.690,82
    27. Fundação das Universidades Portuguesas
      Programa de Apoio à Universidade Nacional de Timor-Leste → 72.614,25
    28. Fundação Evangelização e Culturas
      + ESCOLA (Guiné-Bissau)
      → 145.000,00
    29. IEEI (Instituto de Estudos Estratégicos e Internacionais)
      Por uma cidadania global
      → 58.302,40
    30. IMVF (Instituto Marquês de Valle Flor)
      Rostos Invisíveis II
      → 42.780,52
    31. IMVF (Instituto Marquês de Valle Flor)
      Coerência das Políticas para o Desenvolvimento
      → 29.013,87
    32. IMVF (Instituto Marquês de Valle Flor)
      Comércio Justo: Interdependência Sul/Norte
      → 19.576,81
    33. IMVF (Instituto Marquês de Valle Flor)
      Ilhas Urok 3ª Fase (80%)
      → 42.715,90
    34. IMVF (Instituto Marquês de Valle Flor)
      Saúde para Todos II - Alargamento e Consolidação (São Tomé e Príncipe)
      → 400.000,00
    35. ISU (Instituto Solidariedade e Cooperação Universitária)
      Rede Nacional de Consumo Responsável: estratégia para mudança de hábitos de consumo dos jovens portugueses
      → 46.225,60
    36. Mó de Vida
      Comércio Justo: Contributo para a Construção da Cidadania Global
      → 49.752,81
    37. OIM
      Programa Cooperação entre Portugal e a OIM
      → 32.400,00
    38. Plataforma Portuguesa das ONGD
      Subsídio Anual à Plataforma
      → 39.193,33
    39. PNUD
      Programa de Apoio à justiça do PNUD
      → 705.268,35
    40. PNUD
      JPO’s PNUD - Luanda, Bissau, Díli
      → 71.000,00
    41. Universidade Nacional de Timor-Leste
      Programa de Apoio à Universidade Nacional de Timor-Leste
      → 43.568,55

    42. Bolsas a Particulares PALOP e Timor Leste
      → 1.550.647
    43. Bolsas internas
      → 75.803
    44. Bolsas Técnico Militar (Palop)
      → 183.097

    Mugabe, como fala

    Discurso do presidente do Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

    Arquive-se.

    25 September 2009

    Let me begin by extending our warmest congratulations to you, Mr Treki, on your election as President of the 64th Session of the General Assembly. Your election to this high office is a befitting and eloquent tribute to the personal and diplomatic qualities that we have witnessed in you over the years. We are, indeed, proud of the honour that has been bestowed upon the African continent as a result of your election. We are confident that, under your wise stewardship, we will make pleasing progress on the important agenda before us.

    In the same vein, I wish to commend your predecessor, the President of the 63rd Session, Father Miguel D'Escoto Brockmann, for having brought his experience and wisdom to bear upon the various meetings and conferences that he presided over during the last year. He brought integrity, transparency and credibility to the deliberations of the General Assembly. Indeed, we share his assertion, that the G- 192, that is, the General Assembly, being the most representative body of the United Nations, is the best forum to tackle global issues which include the current financial and economic crises. We commend him for standing up for what is right and for upholding the right of each Member State to be heard, no matter how small.

    Over the years, my delegation has underlined the need for the United Nations and other international bodies to truly serve the collective interest of all Member States.

    Our unchanging conviction is that all international institutions should abide by the universal principles which underlie multilateral processes of decision-making, particularly, the principle of equality among States and the right to development. It is in this context that we welcome the appropriate, indeed, timely, theme of this Session: "Effective global responses to global crises, strengthening multilateralism and dialogue among civilizations." It is our hope that we will have a candid and holistic debate on the global responses to the crises that currently affect our world.

    Zimbabwe supports the revitalisation of the General Assembly to make it more effective and thus enable it to fulfil its mandate. As the pre-eminent deliberative and policy- making body of the United Nations, the General Assembly should play a more active role in mobilising action against such challenges today as peace and security, the financial and economic crises, economic and social development, and climate change. Accordingly, the encroachment of other UN organs upon the work of the General Assembly is of great concern to us. We therefore reiterate that any process of revitalisation should strengthen the principle of accountability of all principal and subsidiary organs of the United Nations to the General Assembly.

    It is our hope that the current negotiations on the reform of the United Nations Security Council will break the deadlock that has for some time now prevented us from making progress in an area of strategic interest for Africa. The reform of the Security Council is not only desirable but imperative, if it is to ensure the successful implementation of its global mandate to maintain international peace and security on behalf of all Member States. The fact that Africa, a major geographical region, remains under-represented and without a permanent seat on the Security Council is not only a serious and antiquated anomaly whose time for address is overdue. It is also clearly an untenable violation of the principle and practice of democracy in international relations. The reform of the Security Council should urgently take full notice of the African position which demands two permanent seats, with complete veto power, plus two additional non-permanent seats.

    The UN Conference on the Financial and Economic Crises held in June 2009 rightfully positioned the United Nations at the centre of efforts to deal with the global financial and economic crises. The devastating effect of the current global crisis has clearly exposed the folly of leaving the management of the global economy in the hands of a few self-appointed countries and groupings. My delegation, therefore, fully supports the setting up of a follow-up working group under the aegis of the General Assembly. It is urgent and critical that the working group reaches an early agreement on immediate policy actions to be taken by the international community in support of developing countries, who have suffered the most as a result of this global financial meltdown. Such actions should include the development of a global stimulus plan to respond to the crisis and other issues related to it.

    These measures will not achieve the desired objectives unless accompanied by a comprehensive reform of the Bretton Woods institutions which, among other things, would include representation of sub-Saharan Africa on the Executive Boards of these institutions. We are glad that our unequivocal call for their reform is beginning to bear fruit. We, therefore, welcome the recent decision by the World Bank to establish three seats for Africa on its Executive Board. We are similarly pleased that, earlier this month, the IMF finalised the re-allocation of Special Drawing Rights on the basis of the US$250 billion pledged by the G20 at its meeting in April 2009.

    Regrettably, only a mere US$18 billion of this money was allocated to low income countries, while the developed countries, which caused the crisis, got the lion's share.

    The need to ensure global food security has been raised and re-stated at many international forums. We reiterate our call for an urgent and substantial increase in investment in agriculture in developing countries. It is critical that provisions of agricultural inputs, seeds, fertilisers and chemicals be put in place for small scale farmers, particularly, women. To achieve this, there is need to channel more support towards agriculture, which has dwindled over the last few decades. In addition, we call upon the developed countries to remove or reduce their agricultural subsidies and to open up their markets for agricultural products from developing countries.

    In the area of health, efforts to reduce maternal and child mortality, and combat HIV and AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, still fall short of targets despite the commitments made at the national and international levels. Over the last few years, Zimbabwe has made great strides in the fight against the HIV and AIDS pandemic, our limited resources notwithstanding. The country has witnessed a drop in the adult prevalence rate of 20 per cent in 2000 to 11 per cent this year. However, the country still faces a major challenge in increasing the availability of affordable anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs). We, therefore, continue to urge the international community, in cooperation with pharmaceutical companies, to assist in increasing access to affordable essential drugs, particularly for people in Africa.

    People living with HIV and AIDS expect delivery on the commitments we have made.

    For sub-Saharan Africa, malaria presents yet another still formidable challenge. The commitment of the international community and national governments therefore needs to be strengthened so as to eradicate the scourge of malaria from our part of the world.

    We warmly welcome the renewed enthusiasm by Russia and the United States to pursue actions to achieve a world free of nuclear arms and we urge other nuclear weapons states to do the same. In this regard, Zimbabwe is honoured to have chaired, in May this year, the Third Preparatory Committee for the 2010 Nuclear Proliferation Treaty Review Conference and takes this opportunity to thank all members for their support. We are hopeful that, having secured agreement on the Conference agenda, members will produce a renewed commitment to the three pillars of the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty; namely, nuclear disarmament, nonproliferation and peaceful use of nuclear energy.

    May I now turn to the developments in my country. Since its formation in February this year, the Inclusive Government in Zimbabwe has demonstrated a conviction and unity of purpose, and an unwavering commitment to chart a new vision for the country and to improve the lives of the people in peace and harmony. In the Global Political Agreement, we have defined our priorities as the maintenance of conditions of peace and stability, economic recovery, development, promotion of human rights and improvement of the condition of women and children.

    Regrettably, while countries in the SADC region have made huge sacrifices and given Zimbabwe financial and other support at a time when they too are reeling from the effects of the global economic crisis, the western countries, the United States and the European Union, who imposed illegal sanctions against Zimbabwe have, to our surprise, and that of SADC and the rest of Africa, refused to remove them. What are their motives? Indeed some of them are working strenuously to divide the parties in the Inclusive Government. If they will not assist the Inclusive Government in rehabilitating our economy, could they please stop their filthy clandestine divisive antics. Where stand their humanitarian principles when their illegal sanctions are ruining the lives of our children? We similarly call for an immediate end to the coercive, illegal and unjustified fiftyyear economic, commercial and financial embargo against Cuba which is estimated to have cost Cuba so far a total of US$96 billion, causing untold suffering on that country and its people. My delegation joins other Non-Aligned Movement countries which have repeatedly condemned the use of unilateral coercive measures as a flagrant violation of the norms of international law and international relations, especially as they govern relations between States under the UN Charter.

    Let me conclude by reiterating the need for effective and comprehensive multilateralism to promote the global partnership for peace and development. The United Nations and other international organisations which carry the legitimacy of multilateralism should play a leading role in directing the course of events and developments, taking into account the interests of the majority of its members in an inclusive, peaceful, just, universal and democratic manner. It is our hope that through our unity, solidarity, cooperation and commitment, the challenges facing the international community could be addressed. Let us rise to the occasion and demonstrate our political will and ability to work together for the good of humanity.

    Zimbabwe is willing and ready to play her part.

    Mikheil Saakashvili, Geórgia. Justifica-se

    Síntese do discurso do presidente da Geórgia, Mikheil Saakashvili, no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU (ontem, 24).

    Arquive-se.

    24 September 2009

    MIKHEIL SAAKASHVILI, President of Georgia, said the Assembly was meeting on the twentieth anniversary of one of the most successful triumphs of United Nations principles -- the fall of the Berlin Wall. That event had ended an artificial line separating nations, dividing families, strangling freedom and imprisoning millions. The Wall’s dismantling had done more than free the captive nations of the Warsaw Pact. It had unleashed the hopes and dreams of millions living under the Soviet Union’s tyranny. But if the past was honestly evaluated, the present remained bittersweet. The vision of a whole, free and peaceful Europe was not yet accomplished.

    Like Germany a generation ago, Georgia was today a nation with a deep wound running through it, he said. A wall had cut off one fifth of Georgia’s territory, mocking the progress made in Berlin 20 years ago. A year ago, Georgia had been invaded by tanks, warplanes, warships and State-directed hackers. Hundreds of people had been killed or wounded, while tens of thousands of innocent civilians had been forced to flee in the face of ethnic cleansing that had been well documented by independent human rights organizations. Those acts of brutality had gone unaddressed in direct contravention of international law, United Nations norms and internationally signed document designed to reverse such wrongs, he said. “Indeed, those who unleashed war in Georgia said in this very Hall yesterday that they had to do it to implement the principle of indivisibility of security” in order to “step over the legacy of the past era”.

    But the people of Georgia could not and would not accept a new dividing line across their country, nor was it a matter for Georgia alone, he stressed. It was a threat to the values of the Organization. Georgia did not expect the wall to disappear overnight. It understood the need for patience. History suggested that patience should not be passive, and for a wall to fall, actions must be taken to hasten its demise. To that end, he thanked the nations that had resisted illegality, pressure and in many cases attempts at bribery, to recognize the Georgian territories now occupied by a foreign force.

    He said the Georgian people had regrouped and were making real process on the path of peace, freedom and individual liberty. Young children living in refugee camps outside Tbilisi symbolized the path Georgia had taken after the invasion in their unstoppable pursuit of a normal life and education. The Government was also following through on its promises to strengthen democracy, foster pluralism and expand individual liberties. Three months of opposition protest had been allowed to proceed unhindered, and opposition parties had been brought into meetings of the national security council. Commitments had been made to the direct election of mayors in 2010 and new electoral rules were being drafted on a consensus basis for the next local and parliamentary elections.

    Georgia’s biggest imperative was to continue to integrate all different groups into social life, he said. It was also necessary to create more employment and recover from the economic crisis of the last year. Georgia had just been named as the eleventh most attractive country for doing business, rising from 122nd place only a few years ago. Clearly, it had not withered in the face of invasion, nor reduced freedom in the face of recession. Indeed, it continued to contribute to the common goals established by the international community, even in the face of adversity. It was in the vanguard of the battle against climate change, producing 85 per cent of its electricity from green and renewable sources. Georgia was on the frontlines in confronting terrorism around the world with its allies, including in Afghanistan.

    Hugo Chávez em síntese


    Síntese do discurso de uma hora do presidente da Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU (ontem, 24).

    Arquive-se.

    24 September 2009

    HUGO RAFAEL CHÁVEZ FRÍAS, President of Venezuela, said that the night before, he had attended a screening of Oliver Stone’s new movie, South of the Border, in which Bolivia’s President Evo Morales was shown chewing coca leaves and saying, “Coke is not the same as coca”. Other Presidents of Latin America had been shown in various contexts, and the movie even captured United States President Barack Obama in Trinidad, “chatting with a group of us, his hand held out, his face smiling”. He mentioned the film because it could help decipher several enigmas of the times, chief among them the ideological warfare currently under way.

    Indeed, a geopolitical revolution was under way -- a moral, spiritual, comprehensive and necessary revolution, he said. After centuries during which millions of people in Latin America and the Caribbean had suffered, the world had come to this moment. The revolution marked the beginning of a world renewed and it would only grow with the passing of time.

    As a result of that revolution, the twenty-first century would be the century of socialism. Even Albert Einstein had concluded that the only way for the human species to live on the planet was through socialism. Capitalism was actually a road to ruin, not allowing for change. By contrast, the socialism of South America, which was Indian-American as well as Bolivarian, was a “heroic system” that had to be made anew.

    Noting that former United States President John F. Kennedy had, just days before his assassination, observed that hunger was the main reason for the revolution in the South, he said President Kennedy had not been a revolutionary, but had been intelligent. Likewise, the current United States President was an intelligent man. “It doesn’t smell of sulphur here any more, it’s gone. It smells of something else: hope.”

    Stressing hope’s potential, he urged fellow Member States to take up the challenge of translating the hope in their hearts into action. Revising the comment made the day before by Brazilian President Lula da Silva, he said it was not true that there was no political will, only that some of the necessary will was missing.

    He went on to say that those who blocked the doors to a peaceful revolution, would only make it violent, and he reminded the Assembly that while its Members were gathered in New York, one of their fellow leaders sat with a small group of people in the Brazilian embassy in Honduras. He had spoken to Honduran President Manuel Zelayas just hours ago and now was asking for the Assembly’s resolution, as well as the resolution of the Organization of American States, to be implemented.

    Outlining his further thoughts on the causes and impacts of the coup in Honduras, he suggested the Pentagon had been behind it. Those who had had forced President Zelaya into exile had been trained by the United States and had even held him on a United States base before taking him to Costa Rica. Those facts, according to Mr. Chavez, had created a contradiction that had caused many to wonder if there were two President Obamas. For his part, he hoped the one who had spoken to the Assembly yesterday would prevail.

    Returning to the revolution that was under way in the South, he said it was not a movement that had sprung up among guerrillas in the mountains, but was rather a democratic revolution that sought to remain peaceful. It would not be blocked. “This is our century now. We are going to build our own path. No one can stop us. Imperialism must end.”

    Critiquing President Obama’s Assembly address point by point, he said that if the United States sought nuclear non-proliferation, it should destroy its own nuclear weapons. If it sought international peace and security, it should seek peace in Colombia. Having seven bases there was not the route to peace. If the United States wanted to address climate change, then it should move beyond words and embark on actions, particularly by addressing the problem of over-consumption.

    Finally, he promoted the conclusions of the Commission of Experts appointed by former General Assembly President Miguel d’Escoto Brockman to analyse the financial and economic crisis, and invited the United States -- “the Socialist side” -- to pursue a global economy that advanced opportunity for all people. For so long everyone had been hearing about a new world order. Clearly a new paradigm with new institutions and a new economy was needed. Fortunately, he said, the birth of that world had already started.

    Benjamin Netanyahu

    Síntese do discurso do primeiro-ministro de Isarel, Benjamin Netanyahu no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU (ontem, 24).

    Arquive-se.

    24 September 2009

    BENJAMIN NETANYAHU, Prime Minister of Israel, said the United Nations had been founded 60 years ago, following the Holocaust, and had been thereafter charged with preventing such horrors from ever happening again. Yet nothing impeded that central mission more than “the systematic assault on the truth”, he said, decrying “the latest anti-Semitic rants” by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, during his address to the Assembly yesterday evening.

    Mr. Netanyahu then held up a sheaf of Nazi meeting notes as physical proof of that regime’s horrendous work. The preserved minutes had been taken at a meeting in the Villa in Wannsee, where on 20 January 1942, senior Nazi officials had laid out the plans for exterminating the Jewish people. The documents had been recently given to him by the German Government. “Is this a lie?” he asked.

    He then presented to the Assembly the original construction plans of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp, plans that contained the authorizing signature of Heinrich Himmler. Recounting United States President Barack Obama’s recent visit to another concentration camp, Buchenwald, he asked delegations if President Obama had been paying tribute to a lie. He then recounted his own family history of grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins who had perished, as well as the tattooed numbers on camp survivors. All, he stated, added to the proof of the truth about the Holocaust.

    He commended those who had refused to attend the General Assembly to hear the Iranian President’s speech, as well as those who had left in protest. But he stated emphatically to those who stayed that in doing so, they had given legitimacy to a denial that was shameful and to a country that aimed to wipe out Israel. Although the threats were currently levelled at the Jews, he reminded Member States that what had historically started as a tax on the Jews, had inevitably ended up affecting others.

    He went on to say that in the past 30 years, fanaticism had impacted all people, and had been the cause of death of not just Jews, but Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Any society that aimed to have only their version of true believers always subjugated those who didn’t conform. That struggle, he continued, wasn’t about one group of believers against another, rather it pit civilization against barbarism, the twentieth century against the ninth century, and those who sanctified life against those who propagated death.

    Affirming Israel’s commitment to participate in a global response to the myriad problems facing all nations, such as climate change issues, disease and the need for fossil fuel alternatives, to name a few, he said, however, that the main threat to all nations was the marriage between fundamentalism and weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, the greatest challenge facing the world was that of preventing Iran from procuring nuclear weapons. “Are the Members of the United Nations up to that challenge?” he asked.

    He then turned to the recently issued report on the crisis in Gaza earlier in the year. He viewed the document as falsely equating terrorists with those being targeted. Recounting that Hamas had for eight years fired rockets on Israeli citizens, he said that there had not been one United Nations resolution condemning those criminal attacks. And although Israel had unilaterally withdrawn from the Gaza Strip by removing 8,000 Israelis and 21 communities -- a move that many in Israel believed would bring peace -- Israel had been subjected to Iranian-backed terrorism to which the United Nations remained silent. After eight years, Israel had been forced to respond.

    He affirmed Israel’s desire for a permanent, genuine and defensible peace, and he reminded the Assembly that anytime an Arab leader reached out to make peace, Israel met with them, such as it had with Egyptian and Jordanian officials. “If the Palestinians truly want peace, I and my Government and the Israeli people, will make peace,” he said, recalling that when a two-State solution had been voted in 1947, Jews accepted the resolution but Arabs rejected it.

    What Israel had wanted for 62 years was for the Palestinians to say “yes” to a Jewish State, just as Israel was asked to recognize a nation-state for the Palestinian people. “It is as simple, clear and elementary as that.” He stressed that peace, prosperity and dignity required security. Israel must have its security and that the Palestinians “should have all.

    24 de setembro de 2009

    José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero


    Discurso do Presidente do Governo Espanhol,
    José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero,
    no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

    Arquive-se.

    24 September 2009

    Hace sólo poco más de un año, vivíamos con extraordinaria inquietud el desplome de algunos de los gigantes financieros de los países más ricos del mundo. Y ese crack financiero precipitó una crisis económica mundial en la que, a pesar de los incipientes signos de recuperación, todos seguimos envueltos.

    Descubrimos entonces, con crudeza, que no contábamos con las pautas y las reglas necesarias para prevenir lo que estaba pasando con el sistema financiero global… a pesar de que ya era global.

    Y es ahora, a partir de las Cumbres del G20, en Washington y Londres, cuando hemos sentado las bases para remediarlo, pendientes de culminar la tarea en Pittsburgh.

    Ésta no ha sido –como se dice- la primera crisis de la globalización, ésta ha sido, más bien, la primera crisis de la gobernanza global, la crisis de una globalización insuficientemente gobernada.

    Y tenemos la gran oportunidad de aprender la lección.

    La oportunidad de aprender la lección, desde luego, en relación con la crisis financiera y económica, pero también con los demás desafíos globales que precisan, definitivamente, tanto de determinación colectiva como de instrumentos de acción política coordinada, multilateral.

    … porque, además, estos desafíos están interrelacionados: no podemos aspirar al desarrollo económico y social sin la existencia de condiciones de paz y seguridad adecuadas para las naciones y los individuos. Y, a la inversa, no es posible construir una paz y una seguridad duraderas sin desarrollo, sin un desarrollo que sea sostenible.

    Pues bien, esta misma voluntad de responsabilizarnos conjuntamente de los problemas y de las soluciones -que ha resurgido con fuerza estos últimos meses- es la que nos debería llevar a no fracasar en la respuesta a los conflictos y a las amenazas que aún se ciernen sobre la seguridad y la paz mundiales.

    Es la que nos debería llevar a no fracasar en la lucha contra el hambre y la pobreza extrema.

    Es la que nos debería llevar a no fracasar en el compromiso efectivo de combatir los efectos del cambio climático, o en la persecución del crimen organizado y la piratería… Por tanto, tenemos una gran oportunidad al alcance de la mano.

    Aquí, delante de nuestros ojos. Con ocasión de este Debate General de Naciones Unidas.

    Al cumplirse un año del crack financiero que ha estado a punto de llevarse por delante el bienestar conquistado a lo largo de las últimas décadas en los países desarrollados y la posibilidad de aspirar a él en tantos otros.

    Señor Presidente, España es un país comprometido con el multilateralismo y con la necesidad de seguir articulando un sistema de gobernanza global. Y lo es en relación con cada uno de los retos a los que acabo de aludir.

    Pero antes de que me refiera, si quiera brevemente, a ellos, quisiera empezar por decir que el multilateralismo no es un sólo un procedimiento para adoptar decisiones y resolver conflictos en el orden internacional.

    Es eso, sin duda, también, pero para que el multilateralismo sea eficaz y duradero requiere, además o ante todo, de dos premisas de carácter material.

    En primer lugar, el multilateralismo es inseparable de la fidelidad a los valores democráticos, a los derechos humanos y a la igualdad efectiva entre las mujeres y los hombres de todo el mundo.

    Me satisface mucho, en este último sentido, la última Resolución aprobada por esta Asamblea General que hará posible que una única entidad se haga cargo de todas las cuestiones de género.

    Pero hoy la firme defensa de la democracia tiene ante todo un nombre: Honduras.

    Allí, nuestros hermanos de América Latina, con el decidido apoyo de España y la Comunidad internacional, van a ganar este desafío. No vamos aceptar ningún golpe antidemocrático. No lo vamos a aceptar.

    En segundo lugar, y no menos importante, el multilateralismo requiere de una cultura o, al menos, de un clima de diálogo, de respeto, de reconocimiento… entre países, entre regiones o, más ampliamente, entre civilizaciones.

    Hace cinco años, me dirigí por primera vez a esta Asamblea General para proponer la creación de una Alianza de Civilizaciones, con el fin de favorecer el entendimiento y la cooperación entre naciones y pueblos de distintas culturas y religiones, y contrarrestar las fuerzas que alimentan el extremismo y ponen en peligro la paz.

    Pero nos podemos congratular de que, desde entonces, la iniciativa haya visto incrementar el número de miembros de su Grupo de Amigos, que hoy supera el centenar, así como la red de asociaciones, de organizaciones internacionales y representantes de la sociedad civil, que aseguran la continuidad del proyecto y dan prueba de su interés y vitalidad.

    Adicionalmente, el hecho de que el III Foro de la Alianza se vaya a celebrar el año que viene en Río de Janeiro, da claras muestras de la universalidad de los principios que la inspiran.

    El respeto a la diversidad de civilizaciones, culturas y tradiciones, es condición de eficacia y perdurabilidad del multilateralismo. De este multilateralismo que queremos ver reforzado sobre la base del paradigma de los derechos humanos y de los valores universales que compartimos como miembros responsables de la Comunidad Internacional.

    Cuando, hace ahora 5 años, lancé desde esta misma tribuna la iniciativa de la alianza de civilizaciones. Lo hice en un momento mucho menos propicio que el actual.

    Ayer, después de escuchar la intervención del presidente de estados unidos de América, y de otros líderes internacionales, pensé: ha merecido la pena. Hoy la alianza puede desplegar todo su potencial al servicio del multilateralismo eficaz que queremos y (ahora) podemos construir.

    Mereció la pena la iniciativa y ha sido también un acierto –permítanme que lo exprese así- que naciones unidas la haya hecho suya a través de su secretario general, Ban ki Moon, y de su predecesor, Kofi Annan.

    España no puede, por ello, sino congratularse de que el presidente electo de la asamblea general haya propuesto que el debate en este nuevo periodo de sesiones gire en torno a las “respuestas efectivas a las crisis globales: refuerzo del multilateralismo y del diálogo entre civilizaciones para la paz, seguridad y desarrollo internacionales”.

    Ahora, en este contexto más favorable, debemos dar un nuevo paso.

    La alianza de civilizaciones, que articula y concreta, en el conjunto de la organización de naciones unidas, esos principios y valores, debería estar presente de forma estructural en sus órganos principales y en todos sus ámbitos.

    Ha llegado el momento de que esta asamblea general apruebe una resolución que dé carta de naturaleza a esa dimensión estructural de la alianza de civilizaciones.

    España trabajará junto a Turquía y el amplio grupo de amigos de la Alianza para que dicha resolución pueda ser aprobada antes de que concluya este otoño.

    Estoy convencido de que contribuirá muy positivamente a la tarea que desarrollan órganos como el consejo de derechos humanos, el consejo económico y social e incluso el consejo de seguridad.

    El Diálogo de civilizaciones ha de ser la lengua materna de Naciones Unidas.

    Señor Presidente, El nuevo multilateralismo ha sido esencial para dar ya algunos pasos significativos en materia de desarme y control de armamentos, como la prohibición de las minas antipersonas y de las bombas de racimo.

    Pero, ahora, el mundo tiene la oportunidad de dar el gran paso: la abolición de las armas nucleares.

    El Presidente Obama ha tenido el coraje de ponerlo sobre la mesa, y EEUU y Rusia -un país que es y seguirá siendo clave para la seguridad euroatlántica- están negociando el mayor recorte jamás acordado de estos arsenales.

    Les alentamos a ello. Y saludamos esperanzados la iniciativa de convocar una cumbre especial del Consejo de Seguridad dedicada a la lucha contra la proliferación nuclear.

    España, una Nación que renunció a desarrollar o poseer armas nucleares, comparte plenamente este objetivo y lo apoyará con todos los medios a su alcance. En lo inmediato debería llevarnos a reforzar el Tratado de No Proliferación Nuclear, cuya Conferencia de Examen coincidirá en mayo de 2010 con la Presidencia de España de la Unión Europea.

    Me comprometo a hacer todo lo posible, desde mi país y desde la UE, para que de esta importante Conferencia salgan resultados concretos que nos permitan avanzar hacia esa perspectiva de un mundo libre de armas nucleares.

    Señor Presidente, Vamos a seguir actuando con determinación y sin desánimo para construir y consolidar la paz en todos los ámbitos y regiones donde los conflictos continúan generando dolor a las familias y a las comunidades afectadas.

    Mi país se siente orgulloso de llevar 20 años contribuyendo a las misiones de paz de las Naciones Unidas. En 20 años hemos tomado parte en 22 misiones con un total de más de 100.000 efectivos.

    En el momento actual, compartimos la inquietud y la preocupación por la situación en Afganistán. Estoy seguro, sin embargo, de que la comunidad internacional sabrá encontrar la solución, una solución que no es ni puede ser sólo militar.

    La convicción compartida sobre el valor estratégico de la región y la solidaridad interna entre los países que estamos presentes en ella son más vigorosas que nunca, y van a ser determinantes frente a las dificultades a las que nos enfrentamos.

    Quiero reiterar, además, la necesidad de perseverar en la búsqueda de fórmulas para la paz en Oriente Medio, por su capacidad de irradiar, de proyectarse, sobre otros conflictos regionales como el que acabo de mencionar.

    Está ha de seguir siendo la primera prioridad estratégica para la Comunidad internacional.

    Señor Presidente, Según las últimas estimaciones de la Organización para la Alimentación y la Agricultura (FAO), más de 1.000 millones de personas pasan hambre en el mundo, esto es, una sexta parte del total de la población mundial.

    Debemos decirlo en tantas ocasiones como sea posible: datos como éste, con el insondable sufrimiento humano que albergan, golpean una y otra vez nuestras conciencias como líderes de la comunidad internacional.

    Es injusto, es inaceptable, adentrarse, como estamos haciendo, en el siglo XXI, con este radical desequilibrio en las condiciones de supervivencia de la humanidad.

    Es injusto, inaceptable… y, además, inseguro, una fuente permanente de inestabilidad: no es posible aspirar a un mundo seguro si persisten los actuales niveles de desigualdad y pobreza.

    Por ello, nuestro compromiso con la paz y la seguridad internacionales debe ir de la mano de un renovado empeño para erradicar la pobreza, usando nuestro liderazgo de forma responsable y solidaria y huyendo de la tentación, en tiempos de crisis económica, de rebajar nuestro compromiso con los más pobres y vulnerables.

    La consecución de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio debe ser un elemento central de la agenda internacional. A cinco años del 2015, con un esfuerzo colectivo sostenido, los Objetivos todavía son alcanzables. En nuestra próxima Asamblea General debemos llegar a acuerdos concretos que garanticen el cumplimiento de los mismos.

    Permítanme que refuerce la apelación a este perentorio esfuerzo común invocando el compromiso de mi país, de los ciudadanos de mi país.

    Y que me refiera, en particular, a África.

    El siglo XXI le debe pertenecer a un continente que ha estado demasiado tiempo desposeído en la historia de la humanidad.

    España se ha convertido en el séptimo donante internacional y en el octavo contribuyente de Naciones Unidas, y ha asumido un claro compromiso en materia de seguridad alimentaria.

    Señor Presidente: Durante estos últimos años, entre todos, hemos nutrido la conciencia de la humanidad sobre la gravedad de las consecuencias del cambio climático. Esta conciencia está ya suficientemente extendida. La conciencia de la necesidad de la lucha contra el cambio climático. Y también de las oportunidades que nos ofrece, tanto a los países desarrollados como a los menos desarrollados, de fundar en torno a ella un nuevo modelo de economía sostenible.

    Porque –debemos ser bien conscientes de ello- en este modelo de economía sostenible están los empleos del presente y del futuro. Y el empleo siempre debe estar entre nuestras máximas prioridades.

    Con el cambio climático ha pasado el tiempo de la conciencia y ha llegado el momento inaplazable de los compromisos. Ya no hacen falta más palabras, es el tiempo de los hechos. Teniendo en cuenta las circunstancias de cada cual -¡de acuerdo!- pero para avanzar colectivamente, no para detenernos.

    ¡Hemos sabido ver los efectos de la crisis económica y todavía nos cuesta reaccionar ante los efectos de un fenómeno mucho más devastador para generaciones sucesivas enteras! Es paradójico e incomprensible.

    Más paradójico e incomprensible aún si tenemos en cuenta que la salida de la crisis económica pasa por asegurar el único crecimiento posible, un crecimiento sostenible.

    Nos quedan 75 días hasta el comienzo de la Cumbre de Copenhague. Pueden ser 75 días para el futuro o para el fracaso. 75 días para la responsabilidad o para la impotencia. 75 días para el acuerdo o para la defensa inútil de los propios intereses.

    Copenhague debería ofrecer, en todo caso, dos respuestas al mundo, sobre el qué y el cuándo. Una reducción de emisiones ambiciosa –el qué- y en un horizonte cercano y definido –el cuándo-.

    Pero, para alcanzar ambos objetivos, también deberíamos pensar en el cómo. Sabemos quela investigación, innovación y desarrollo tecnológico en las energías que favorecen la lucha contra el cambio climático son clave. Por ello, España ha lanzado la propuesta de que cada Estado dedique, al menos, un 0.7% de su Producto Bruto. Es una cifra de referencia que, como ya ocurre en la política de cooperación al desarrollo, serviría para identificar un compromiso universal que deben liderar los países económicamente más avanzados.

    Mi país, asimismo, se propone, con ocasión de la Presidencia de la Unión Europea, durante el primer semestre de 2010, impulsar la ejecución de los acuerdos que todos estamos obligados a adoptar en Copenhague.

    Señor Presidente, Concluyo.

    Hace sólo un año, nos veíamos sacudidos por un crack financiero que conmovió hasta el último lugar del planeta.

    Durante este tiempo, todos hemos sufrido las consecuencias de esta crisis, pero todos, también, hemos tomado conciencia de la necesidad de avanzar en la construcción de la gobernanza global. Y hemos dado pasos resueltos en esta dirección.

    Sigamos por este camino. Y no sólo para seguir dando la batalla frente a la crisis, para superarla juntos, sino para encarar con éxito los demás desafíos globales que tenemos por delante.

    Aprovechemos este momento para la lucidez, aprovechemos esta oportunidad.

    Construyamos un multilateralismo eficaz, responsable y solidario.

    Porque, desde 1945, nunca se habían dado, como ahora, las circunstancias para trasladar a la realidad del orden internacional los anhelos de los padres fundadores de las Naciones Unidas.

    Esos anhelos tenían como destinatarios a las “generaciones venideras”. Y somos nosotros -es la nuestra- la primera generación que tiene a su alcance materializar el viejo y hermoso sueño ilustrado de un mundo gobernado, y gobernado por todos.