24 de setembro de 2009

José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero


Discurso do Presidente do Governo Espanhol,
José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero,
no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

Arquive-se.

24 September 2009

Hace sólo poco más de un año, vivíamos con extraordinaria inquietud el desplome de algunos de los gigantes financieros de los países más ricos del mundo. Y ese crack financiero precipitó una crisis económica mundial en la que, a pesar de los incipientes signos de recuperación, todos seguimos envueltos.

Descubrimos entonces, con crudeza, que no contábamos con las pautas y las reglas necesarias para prevenir lo que estaba pasando con el sistema financiero global… a pesar de que ya era global.

Y es ahora, a partir de las Cumbres del G20, en Washington y Londres, cuando hemos sentado las bases para remediarlo, pendientes de culminar la tarea en Pittsburgh.

Ésta no ha sido –como se dice- la primera crisis de la globalización, ésta ha sido, más bien, la primera crisis de la gobernanza global, la crisis de una globalización insuficientemente gobernada.

Y tenemos la gran oportunidad de aprender la lección.

La oportunidad de aprender la lección, desde luego, en relación con la crisis financiera y económica, pero también con los demás desafíos globales que precisan, definitivamente, tanto de determinación colectiva como de instrumentos de acción política coordinada, multilateral.

… porque, además, estos desafíos están interrelacionados: no podemos aspirar al desarrollo económico y social sin la existencia de condiciones de paz y seguridad adecuadas para las naciones y los individuos. Y, a la inversa, no es posible construir una paz y una seguridad duraderas sin desarrollo, sin un desarrollo que sea sostenible.

Pues bien, esta misma voluntad de responsabilizarnos conjuntamente de los problemas y de las soluciones -que ha resurgido con fuerza estos últimos meses- es la que nos debería llevar a no fracasar en la respuesta a los conflictos y a las amenazas que aún se ciernen sobre la seguridad y la paz mundiales.

Es la que nos debería llevar a no fracasar en la lucha contra el hambre y la pobreza extrema.

Es la que nos debería llevar a no fracasar en el compromiso efectivo de combatir los efectos del cambio climático, o en la persecución del crimen organizado y la piratería… Por tanto, tenemos una gran oportunidad al alcance de la mano.

Aquí, delante de nuestros ojos. Con ocasión de este Debate General de Naciones Unidas.

Al cumplirse un año del crack financiero que ha estado a punto de llevarse por delante el bienestar conquistado a lo largo de las últimas décadas en los países desarrollados y la posibilidad de aspirar a él en tantos otros.

Señor Presidente, España es un país comprometido con el multilateralismo y con la necesidad de seguir articulando un sistema de gobernanza global. Y lo es en relación con cada uno de los retos a los que acabo de aludir.

Pero antes de que me refiera, si quiera brevemente, a ellos, quisiera empezar por decir que el multilateralismo no es un sólo un procedimiento para adoptar decisiones y resolver conflictos en el orden internacional.

Es eso, sin duda, también, pero para que el multilateralismo sea eficaz y duradero requiere, además o ante todo, de dos premisas de carácter material.

En primer lugar, el multilateralismo es inseparable de la fidelidad a los valores democráticos, a los derechos humanos y a la igualdad efectiva entre las mujeres y los hombres de todo el mundo.

Me satisface mucho, en este último sentido, la última Resolución aprobada por esta Asamblea General que hará posible que una única entidad se haga cargo de todas las cuestiones de género.

Pero hoy la firme defensa de la democracia tiene ante todo un nombre: Honduras.

Allí, nuestros hermanos de América Latina, con el decidido apoyo de España y la Comunidad internacional, van a ganar este desafío. No vamos aceptar ningún golpe antidemocrático. No lo vamos a aceptar.

En segundo lugar, y no menos importante, el multilateralismo requiere de una cultura o, al menos, de un clima de diálogo, de respeto, de reconocimiento… entre países, entre regiones o, más ampliamente, entre civilizaciones.

Hace cinco años, me dirigí por primera vez a esta Asamblea General para proponer la creación de una Alianza de Civilizaciones, con el fin de favorecer el entendimiento y la cooperación entre naciones y pueblos de distintas culturas y religiones, y contrarrestar las fuerzas que alimentan el extremismo y ponen en peligro la paz.

Pero nos podemos congratular de que, desde entonces, la iniciativa haya visto incrementar el número de miembros de su Grupo de Amigos, que hoy supera el centenar, así como la red de asociaciones, de organizaciones internacionales y representantes de la sociedad civil, que aseguran la continuidad del proyecto y dan prueba de su interés y vitalidad.

Adicionalmente, el hecho de que el III Foro de la Alianza se vaya a celebrar el año que viene en Río de Janeiro, da claras muestras de la universalidad de los principios que la inspiran.

El respeto a la diversidad de civilizaciones, culturas y tradiciones, es condición de eficacia y perdurabilidad del multilateralismo. De este multilateralismo que queremos ver reforzado sobre la base del paradigma de los derechos humanos y de los valores universales que compartimos como miembros responsables de la Comunidad Internacional.

Cuando, hace ahora 5 años, lancé desde esta misma tribuna la iniciativa de la alianza de civilizaciones. Lo hice en un momento mucho menos propicio que el actual.

Ayer, después de escuchar la intervención del presidente de estados unidos de América, y de otros líderes internacionales, pensé: ha merecido la pena. Hoy la alianza puede desplegar todo su potencial al servicio del multilateralismo eficaz que queremos y (ahora) podemos construir.

Mereció la pena la iniciativa y ha sido también un acierto –permítanme que lo exprese así- que naciones unidas la haya hecho suya a través de su secretario general, Ban ki Moon, y de su predecesor, Kofi Annan.

España no puede, por ello, sino congratularse de que el presidente electo de la asamblea general haya propuesto que el debate en este nuevo periodo de sesiones gire en torno a las “respuestas efectivas a las crisis globales: refuerzo del multilateralismo y del diálogo entre civilizaciones para la paz, seguridad y desarrollo internacionales”.

Ahora, en este contexto más favorable, debemos dar un nuevo paso.

La alianza de civilizaciones, que articula y concreta, en el conjunto de la organización de naciones unidas, esos principios y valores, debería estar presente de forma estructural en sus órganos principales y en todos sus ámbitos.

Ha llegado el momento de que esta asamblea general apruebe una resolución que dé carta de naturaleza a esa dimensión estructural de la alianza de civilizaciones.

España trabajará junto a Turquía y el amplio grupo de amigos de la Alianza para que dicha resolución pueda ser aprobada antes de que concluya este otoño.

Estoy convencido de que contribuirá muy positivamente a la tarea que desarrollan órganos como el consejo de derechos humanos, el consejo económico y social e incluso el consejo de seguridad.

El Diálogo de civilizaciones ha de ser la lengua materna de Naciones Unidas.

Señor Presidente, El nuevo multilateralismo ha sido esencial para dar ya algunos pasos significativos en materia de desarme y control de armamentos, como la prohibición de las minas antipersonas y de las bombas de racimo.

Pero, ahora, el mundo tiene la oportunidad de dar el gran paso: la abolición de las armas nucleares.

El Presidente Obama ha tenido el coraje de ponerlo sobre la mesa, y EEUU y Rusia -un país que es y seguirá siendo clave para la seguridad euroatlántica- están negociando el mayor recorte jamás acordado de estos arsenales.

Les alentamos a ello. Y saludamos esperanzados la iniciativa de convocar una cumbre especial del Consejo de Seguridad dedicada a la lucha contra la proliferación nuclear.

España, una Nación que renunció a desarrollar o poseer armas nucleares, comparte plenamente este objetivo y lo apoyará con todos los medios a su alcance. En lo inmediato debería llevarnos a reforzar el Tratado de No Proliferación Nuclear, cuya Conferencia de Examen coincidirá en mayo de 2010 con la Presidencia de España de la Unión Europea.

Me comprometo a hacer todo lo posible, desde mi país y desde la UE, para que de esta importante Conferencia salgan resultados concretos que nos permitan avanzar hacia esa perspectiva de un mundo libre de armas nucleares.

Señor Presidente, Vamos a seguir actuando con determinación y sin desánimo para construir y consolidar la paz en todos los ámbitos y regiones donde los conflictos continúan generando dolor a las familias y a las comunidades afectadas.

Mi país se siente orgulloso de llevar 20 años contribuyendo a las misiones de paz de las Naciones Unidas. En 20 años hemos tomado parte en 22 misiones con un total de más de 100.000 efectivos.

En el momento actual, compartimos la inquietud y la preocupación por la situación en Afganistán. Estoy seguro, sin embargo, de que la comunidad internacional sabrá encontrar la solución, una solución que no es ni puede ser sólo militar.

La convicción compartida sobre el valor estratégico de la región y la solidaridad interna entre los países que estamos presentes en ella son más vigorosas que nunca, y van a ser determinantes frente a las dificultades a las que nos enfrentamos.

Quiero reiterar, además, la necesidad de perseverar en la búsqueda de fórmulas para la paz en Oriente Medio, por su capacidad de irradiar, de proyectarse, sobre otros conflictos regionales como el que acabo de mencionar.

Está ha de seguir siendo la primera prioridad estratégica para la Comunidad internacional.

Señor Presidente, Según las últimas estimaciones de la Organización para la Alimentación y la Agricultura (FAO), más de 1.000 millones de personas pasan hambre en el mundo, esto es, una sexta parte del total de la población mundial.

Debemos decirlo en tantas ocasiones como sea posible: datos como éste, con el insondable sufrimiento humano que albergan, golpean una y otra vez nuestras conciencias como líderes de la comunidad internacional.

Es injusto, es inaceptable, adentrarse, como estamos haciendo, en el siglo XXI, con este radical desequilibrio en las condiciones de supervivencia de la humanidad.

Es injusto, inaceptable… y, además, inseguro, una fuente permanente de inestabilidad: no es posible aspirar a un mundo seguro si persisten los actuales niveles de desigualdad y pobreza.

Por ello, nuestro compromiso con la paz y la seguridad internacionales debe ir de la mano de un renovado empeño para erradicar la pobreza, usando nuestro liderazgo de forma responsable y solidaria y huyendo de la tentación, en tiempos de crisis económica, de rebajar nuestro compromiso con los más pobres y vulnerables.

La consecución de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio debe ser un elemento central de la agenda internacional. A cinco años del 2015, con un esfuerzo colectivo sostenido, los Objetivos todavía son alcanzables. En nuestra próxima Asamblea General debemos llegar a acuerdos concretos que garanticen el cumplimiento de los mismos.

Permítanme que refuerce la apelación a este perentorio esfuerzo común invocando el compromiso de mi país, de los ciudadanos de mi país.

Y que me refiera, en particular, a África.

El siglo XXI le debe pertenecer a un continente que ha estado demasiado tiempo desposeído en la historia de la humanidad.

España se ha convertido en el séptimo donante internacional y en el octavo contribuyente de Naciones Unidas, y ha asumido un claro compromiso en materia de seguridad alimentaria.

Señor Presidente: Durante estos últimos años, entre todos, hemos nutrido la conciencia de la humanidad sobre la gravedad de las consecuencias del cambio climático. Esta conciencia está ya suficientemente extendida. La conciencia de la necesidad de la lucha contra el cambio climático. Y también de las oportunidades que nos ofrece, tanto a los países desarrollados como a los menos desarrollados, de fundar en torno a ella un nuevo modelo de economía sostenible.

Porque –debemos ser bien conscientes de ello- en este modelo de economía sostenible están los empleos del presente y del futuro. Y el empleo siempre debe estar entre nuestras máximas prioridades.

Con el cambio climático ha pasado el tiempo de la conciencia y ha llegado el momento inaplazable de los compromisos. Ya no hacen falta más palabras, es el tiempo de los hechos. Teniendo en cuenta las circunstancias de cada cual -¡de acuerdo!- pero para avanzar colectivamente, no para detenernos.

¡Hemos sabido ver los efectos de la crisis económica y todavía nos cuesta reaccionar ante los efectos de un fenómeno mucho más devastador para generaciones sucesivas enteras! Es paradójico e incomprensible.

Más paradójico e incomprensible aún si tenemos en cuenta que la salida de la crisis económica pasa por asegurar el único crecimiento posible, un crecimiento sostenible.

Nos quedan 75 días hasta el comienzo de la Cumbre de Copenhague. Pueden ser 75 días para el futuro o para el fracaso. 75 días para la responsabilidad o para la impotencia. 75 días para el acuerdo o para la defensa inútil de los propios intereses.

Copenhague debería ofrecer, en todo caso, dos respuestas al mundo, sobre el qué y el cuándo. Una reducción de emisiones ambiciosa –el qué- y en un horizonte cercano y definido –el cuándo-.

Pero, para alcanzar ambos objetivos, también deberíamos pensar en el cómo. Sabemos quela investigación, innovación y desarrollo tecnológico en las energías que favorecen la lucha contra el cambio climático son clave. Por ello, España ha lanzado la propuesta de que cada Estado dedique, al menos, un 0.7% de su Producto Bruto. Es una cifra de referencia que, como ya ocurre en la política de cooperación al desarrollo, serviría para identificar un compromiso universal que deben liderar los países económicamente más avanzados.

Mi país, asimismo, se propone, con ocasión de la Presidencia de la Unión Europea, durante el primer semestre de 2010, impulsar la ejecución de los acuerdos que todos estamos obligados a adoptar en Copenhague.

Señor Presidente, Concluyo.

Hace sólo un año, nos veíamos sacudidos por un crack financiero que conmovió hasta el último lugar del planeta.

Durante este tiempo, todos hemos sufrido las consecuencias de esta crisis, pero todos, también, hemos tomado conciencia de la necesidad de avanzar en la construcción de la gobernanza global. Y hemos dado pasos resueltos en esta dirección.

Sigamos por este camino. Y no sólo para seguir dando la batalla frente a la crisis, para superarla juntos, sino para encarar con éxito los demás desafíos globales que tenemos por delante.

Aprovechemos este momento para la lucidez, aprovechemos esta oportunidad.

Construyamos un multilateralismo eficaz, responsable y solidario.

Porque, desde 1945, nunca se habían dado, como ahora, las circunstancias para trasladar a la realidad del orden internacional los anhelos de los padres fundadores de las Naciones Unidas.

Esos anhelos tenían como destinatarios a las “generaciones venideras”. Y somos nosotros -es la nuestra- la primera generación que tiene a su alcance materializar el viejo y hermoso sueño ilustrado de un mundo gobernado, y gobernado por todos.

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

Discurso do primeiro-ministro da Turquia,
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,
no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

Arquive-se.

24 September 2009

It is a great pleasure for me to address you once again on the occasion of the General Debate of the 64th session of the General Assembly.

At the outset, I would like to congratulate Mr. Abdusselam Treki on his election as President of the 64th General Assembly.

I wish to express my appreciation and thanks to Mr. Brockman as well, for his able and prudent conduct of the Presidency of the 63r session of the General Assembly.

Taking this opportunity, I also thank all the member states for the high degree of trust and approval placed in my country, which was elected as a non-permanent member of the Security Council by a wide margin of support last year.

The global problems of our age necessitate global scale solutions.

From wars to economic crises, from hunger and poverty to terrorism, from energy security to climate change, the problems our world faces today are extremely challenging. However, none of them is insurmountable. For the resolution of these problems, we need a fair and inclusive global order which is based on trust and which regards diversity as a source of richness.

It is possible to make the transition from a conception of the world based on risk and threat perceptions to one based on trust and solidarity. This has become a necessity for all of us. But to be able to do that we need a new kind of leadership.

We can indeed make the 21st century an era which is ruled by peace instead of wars; trust instead of fear; justice instead of injustice; tranquility instead of terror and violence; and prosperity instead of hunger and poverty. It is our common responsibility and historic duty to participate in the construction of such a world, regardless of our language, religion and nationality differences. Threats like terrorism and the proliferation of nuclear weapons have become sources of concern on a global scale. Problems such as hunger and poverty, the increase in the frequency of pandemics, worries about food and energy security, and growing xenophobia and radicalism remain grave challenges. Global warming and the financial crisis are fundamental questions that require substantial solutions. Against such a backdrop, the relevance and indispensability of the United Nations have become even more evident. In order to establish a fair and participatory global order, we must work together to enhance the efficiency of the United Nations.

We certainly do not despair. We maintain our hope that the achievement of global peace and stability is within our grasp. We therefore wish to see the United Nations serve as the voice and spokesman of the global public conscience. We believe that a more representative, democratic, transparent, just and effective United Nations will be able to make a greater contribution to global peace and stability.

The United Nations must become a much more effective institution on matters such as climate change, sustainable development, the struggle against poverty, gender equality and the protection of human rights and dignity. We fully support the reform efforts in this direction. However, it is without a doubt that the reform of the UN system will be incomplete if not accompanied by the Security Council reform.

I would like to underscore once again that Turkey is in favor of the enlargement of the Security Council in the non-permanent category.

Another important aspect of the UN reforms that I wish to underline is the need to improve the UN peace keeping system.

In this context, we want the views and expectations of particularly the UN troop contributing countries on issues like early and effective coordination, capacity building and enhanced cooperation with regional organizations to be taken into full account.

Turkey continues to be a force for peace and stability in the volatile region in which it is located.

Especially in the course of the past 7 years, we have exerted every effort to settle all our differences with our neighbors. Thanks to this approach which we call "zero problem with neighbors" Turkey has made significant progress in resolving outstanding issues with its neighbors and greatly improved its bilateral relations. The problems in our region have global implications. Therefore, our constructive and peaceful regional policies serve not only our own neighborhood but also global peace.

However, even that we don't consider sufficient. We aim to move from a relationship of passive goodneighborliness to one of active friendship and cooperation. The positive impact of this approach on regional and world peace is well appreciated by all our friends.

A concrete example of this situation is-our ongoing dialogue with Greece. Another case in point is our quest to normalize our relations with Armenia, which has gained fresh momentum lately, and begun to bear fruit.

It is high time that lasting solutions based on the territorial integrity of regional countries are found to the other disputes in the Caucasus as well.

In this regard, we hope that our regional partners will share Turkey's vision for region-wide peace, security and stability. We believe that the Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform, which we launched in the aftermath of the crisis in August 2008, can make a substantial contribution to the efforts in that direction. Another issue of close interest to us and the world is Iraq's territorial integrity, political unity and internal peace.

We attach great importance to the continuation of the political dialogue process encompassing all the groups in Iraq and the establishment of national unity. A clear manifestation of this is the Neighboring Countries Process regarding Iraq which was initiated by Turkey.

In this connection, I also wish to emphasize the significance of the Strategic Dialogue Mechanism set up between Turkey and Iraq, which is important both in terms of the fight against terrorism, as well as all other aspects of bilateral relations. We are fully committed to maintaining and further developing this process.

The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is another regional issue to which Turkey is sensitive.

In our view, the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict based on the vision of two states that will exist side by side in peace and security is an indispensable element of regional and global peace.

The achievement of Palestinian national unity will expedite the establishment of the independent Palestinian state.

Turkey has always stood by the Palestinian people and will continue to do so.

I wish to draw your attention to the following facts:

The aggression against the Gaza carried out at the end of 2008 quickly turned into a human tragedy and resulted in the deaths of nearly 1400 people, most of whom are women and children. Over 5.000 people were injured. The infrastructure of Gaza was completely destroyed. Even the UN buildings in Gaza have not escaped this destruction. Secretary-General Mr. Ban Ki-moon has personally witnessed the devastation and voiced his reaction. The 575-page UN report on Gaza which was released on 15 September 2009 clearly confirms this fact. It has been eight months since the declaration of the ceasefires that ended the hostilities in Gaza and the adoption of the Security Council resolution 1860.

Similarly, six months have elapsed since the Sharm al Sheikh Conference where the international community pledged billions of dollars for the reconstruction of Gaza.

However, I regret that the human tragedy in Gaza still goes on.

The wounds of the people of Gaza have not been sealed. The promises made for Gaza have not been kept. As was the case at the time of the aggression, Gaza has been once again left to its own devices in the aftermath of the heavy destruction it suffered.

Currently, even the importation of construction materials to Gaza is not permitted, and the suffering of the Gaza people continues.

We demand that these obstacles are immediately lifted and normalcy restored to Gaza for the sake of peace and security of both Israel and the Palestinians. The Palestinian question cannot be resolved solely by satisfying the demands of one party. The security of the Palestinians is as important as the security of Israel. The Palestinian people's quest for freedom and peace is as legitimate as Israel's quest for stability. The settlement of the Palestinian question which is one of the greatest obstacles to regional and global peace will only be possible when everyone is treated fairly and equitably. Turkey has on every possible occasion stressed that it is not possible to turn a blind eye to the appalling conditions in Gaza, and we will continue to do so.

It is our common humanitarian and moral responsibility to ensure that the tragedy unfolding in Gaza is brought to an end, and an atmosphere of lasting peace is created in the region. It is extremely important that the international community remain engaged in this matter and inject a new vigor to efforts to resolve the problem.

We call on all parties concerned not to remain indifferent to this question and not to condone further sufferings.

We believe that resumption of the Israeli-Palestinian talks that have been disrupted by the Gaza conflict is of utmost importance and hope that the Peace Process will be revitalized as quickly as possible.

So far, we have made every possible effort to contribute to the Peace Process. The indirect negotiations between Syria and Israel, which we hosted in Turkey in 2008, are a case in point.

Depending on the mutual desire of both parties, we are ready to resume our active role in this process.

We have always said that Syria is a very important country in our region and in a position to play a key role in the search for regional peace, security and stability. Similarly, Lebanon too is of critical importance for regional stability. Turkey expended intensive efforts to ensure that a comprehensive political compromise prevails in Lebanon. We will continue to support strongly Lebanon's stability.

We believe that the dispute over our neighbor Iran's nuclear program, which has long preoccupied the international community, should be resolved through dialogue.

Turkey defends the right of all countries to benefit from peaceful use of nuclear energy. On the other hand, we also call upon all countries to act responsibly, bearing in mind the serious consequences of the proliferation of nuclear weapons for the whole world. We supported the Security Council resolution 1874 on North Korea's nuclear test last May, in this spirit.

We also follow closely the situation in Afghanistan and the developments in Pakistan. We support the struggle which the peoples of Afghanistan and Pakistan, with whom we enjoy historical and brotherly ties, have been waging against extremism. We sustain our infrastructure investments in order to help the two countries achieve the prosperity they deserve.

The Friends of Democratic Pakistan's Ministerial Meeting which we convened in Istanbul at the end of August is an indication of the importance we attach to Pakistan's stability and prosperity.

At'this point, I would like to declare that in addition to becoming the Lead Country on Afghanistan in the Security Council in 2010, we shall assume the Chairmanship of the Committee on Counter- Terrorism.

Our strong support for efforts on achieving security and stability in Afghanistan and combating terrorism shall continue unabated during the course of our performance of these duties on the Council.

Another region which we follow closely is the Balkans. We believe the integration of the regional countries with Euro-Atlantic institutions is important and that this perspective should be maintained.

Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus support the efforts for finding a comprehensive solution on the Island. The basis upon which such a solution should be built is right here, under the roof of the United Nations.

If all the parties to the present negotiations were to act constructively, it would be possible to reach a comprehensive solution by the end of 2009. As was the case in 2004, we believe that the UN Secretary-General should play a role in bridging the differences which the parties themselves cannot resolve.

It should be our common objective to submit the solution to be reached to a referendum in the spring of 2010 at the latest.

However, at this juncture, I would like to stress the following point as well: If a solution cannot be found due to Greek Cypriot intransigence, as was the case in 2004, the normalization of the status of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus will'become a necessity which can no longer be delayed.

It is therefore essential to realize that the negotiations cannot be sustained ad infinitum, that the present window of opportunity cannot remain open forever and that efforts must be deployed for the success of the process.

I would like to take this opportunity to emphasize once again that a comprehensive solution to be achieved on the basis of established UN parameters, which will secure the founding of a new Partnership in Cyprus, will enjoy the open support of Turkey as a guarantor power.

A fair and lasting solution in Cyprus will make a major contribution to the transformation of the Eastern Mediterranean into a zone of peace, stability and cooperation. I call upon everyone to do their utmost to help achieve this goal.

In the meantime, the Turkish Cypriot side is still subjected to unfair measures of isolation, despite the fact that in 2004 it accepted all the sacrifices that the Annan Plan entailed. It is not fair to expect the Turkish side to pay the price for a lack of solution. The lifting of such restrictions on Turkish Cypriots will not only remove an unjust practice but also accelerate the process of resolution.

Turkey continues to actively participate in peace-keeping operations around the world under the umbrella of the UN, NATO, EU and the OSCE.

We also lend strong support to the least developed and developing countries in their struggle to resolve developmental problems.

On the other hand, as a party to the Kyoto Protocol, Turkey is ready to live up to its responsibilities with respect to this vital issue which concerns the future of our world. We support the determined efforts being made by the Secretary-General in the process of devising a new climate change regime. Before concluding, I wish to draw your attention to another very important issue which poses a threat to our world.

We should not forget that each culture and civilization flourishes through the inspiration provided by the successes of other cultures and civilizations.

As a matter of fact, our common values today as well as our science, law and art have been influenced not only by old Greek and Roman civilizations but also ancient Eastern civilizations.

From Al Harezmi, the father of algebra, to Farabi who laid the foundations of music, from Ibn Sina who ushered in a new era in medicine to Sinan the architect who produced the finest engineering examples of his time, many Turkish and Islamic scholars, men of learning and artists made significant contributions to the progress of mankind.

It is therefore essential to regard and understand diverse cultures not as the "other" but as individual elements of mankind's cultural inheritance and to cultivate this spirit in new generations.

This is the philosophy which underlies the Alliance of Civilizations which has become a United Nations initiative and strengthened its institutional structure under the co-sponsorship of Turkey and Spain.

I have no doubt that the Alliance will make significant contributions to shaping a global civilization based on universal values through activities in the spheres of democracy, rule of law, good governance, human rights, gender equality, youth and media.

As I conclude my remarks, I would like to express my hope that the 64th General Assembly will serve the best interests of all humanity.

Yukio Hatoyama

Discurso do primeiro-ministro do Japão,
Yukio Hatoyama
no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

Arquive-se.

24 September 2009

I would like to extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency Dr. AH Abdussalam Treki on assuming the Presidency of the sixty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. I would also like to express my respect to His Excellency Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann for his excellent leadership in the previous session.

I highly commend as well the dedication and leadership of His Excellency Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in tackling the various challenging issues that the United Nations faces at this time.

It was 120 years ago, in 1889, that the electoral system, while limited, was initiated in Japan. From that time forward, the change of government through elections was in fact a matter of course in Japan, which even had an era in the early 20th century called the "Taisho democracy".

Japan thus is a nation with a solid heritage of democracy and elections. After the Second World War, however, Japan has not experienced changes of power through the ballot box. Tensions between the politicians and the bureaucrats disappeared. As a result, it cannot be denied that Japan's foreign policy was somewhat deprived of vitality.

However, on 30 August this year, the Japanese people finally chose through a general election to have a change of power. This is a triumph for democracy in Japan and a victory for the Japanese people. Last week, on 16 September, I assumed the office of Prime Minister of Japan, and thus I stand before you today.

My new administration embodies the dynamism of democracy and will exert all efforts to address both domestic affairs and foreign policy challenges through our "all-Japan" lineup.

Japan's accession to the United Nations was approved on 18 December 1956. The Prime Minister at the time was Ichiro Hatoyama, my grandfather. At the eleventh session of the General Assembly, where Japan made its maiden speech, then-Foreign Minister Mamoru Shigemitsu stated: The substance of Japan's political, economic and cultural life is the product of the fusion within the last century of the civilizations of the Orient and the Occident. In a way, Japan may well be regarded as a bridge between the East and the West. She is fully conscious of the great responsibilities of such a position.

My grandfather Ichiro, then Prime Minister, was an advocate of the concept of yu-ai, or "fraternity". This yu-ai is a way of thinking that respects one's own freedom and individual dignity while also respecting the freedom and individual dignity of others.

There is a remarkable resonance between the concept of the "bridge" in Mamoru Shigemitsu's address and Ichiro's concept of yu-ai, or "fraternity".

Now, fifty-three years later, here at the very same United Nations General Assembly, I declare with firm determination that Japan will play again the role of a "bridge".

Today, the world faces numerous arduous challenges. This is not an easy era by any means, but the "new Japan" will not turn its back on such challenges. Based upon the spirit of yu-ai, or "fraternity", Japan will make utmost efforts to become a "bridge" for the world, between the Orient and the Occident, between developed and developing countries and between diverse civilizations.

Today, I would like to address you regarding five challenges that Japan intends to take on in serving as this "bridge".

The first is measures to respond to the global economic crisis.

While the global economy appears to have emerged from the worst stage of the crisis, it is still difficult to predict its future prospects, including the issue of employment.

What Japan must do in this area is first of all to revive its own economy. The new Japan has a plan for achieving this.

"Child allowances" of 5.5 trillion yen annually will serve not only as an investment in education but also as a means of stimulating consumption and a policy to address the low birthrate in Japan.

The abolishment of provisional rates on auto-related taxes will provide tax relief amounting to 2.5 trillion yen annually, and at the same time is expected to enhance the cost competitiveness of Japanese industries through the revitalization of the distribution infrastructure.

As I will touch upon later, we are setting a very ambitious target to tackle climate change, and this should result in the creation of new markets, including for electric vehicles, solar power generation and clean energy businesses. Furthermore, we will ensure stable potential for growth through the creation of new industries and new technologies in maritime, space, next-generation IT and other fields.

By reviewing economic policies through this change of power, Japan is sending a clear signal of the forthcoming revival of its economy. The new Japan will also need to respond appropriately to globalization. The deepening of worldwide interdependence described by the term "globalization" includes aspects of both light and shadow. Expanding the light while controlling the shadow has become a global task for the world of today.

As we advance the liberalization of trade and investment, international coordination is necessary in order to forge systems to rein in the issues of poverty and economic disparity, which are difficult to coordinate by simply leaving them to market mechanisms, as well as excessive money-making games. Japan will play a role as a "bridge" in international fora, including the G20, towards the formulation of common rules to that end.

The second challenge is to address the climate change issue.

As is apparent from the increased incidence of extreme weather events, rising sea levels and other phenomena, climate change is a danger that in fact already confronts us. Furthermore, efforts by one country can only produce limited effects.

However, due to differences in short-term interests between developed and developing countries, and among developed countries as well as among developing countries, the path to create a post-2012 framework will be anything but smooth.

The new Japanese government has set a very ambitious target for a greenhouse gas emissions reduction of 25% by 2020, if compared to the 1990 level. It has also made it clear that it is prepared to provide more financial and technical assistance to developing countries than in the past, in accordance with the progress of the international negotiations. This international commitment is premised on the formulation of a fair and effective international framework by all major economies and agreement on their ambitious targets. Japan announced this ambitious pledge because it wishes to serve as a "bridge" among countries with varied interests and to preserve the planet for future generations.

I would like to appeal strongly to the distinguished representatives present today: let us work together to ensure the success of the upcoming COP 15 meeting. The third challenge is that of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.

I welcome the progress being made in the negotiations on nuclear weapons reductions between the United States and the Russian Federation. I also commend the United Kingdom and France for their initiatives. It is urgent that all nuclear-weaponholding States take concrete measures on nuclear disarmament. There are States currently engaged in efforts to develop nuclear weapons. Furthermore, there is an increasingly greater risk that nuclear materials and nuclear technologies will be passed on to terrorists or even actually used.

In this area as well, Japan has the potential to become a promoter of nuclear disarmament and serve as a "bridge" between States possessing nuclear weapons and those without them. Japan can speak with the greatest persuasiveness in urging nuclear-weapon-holding States towards nuclear disarmament and non-nuclear nations to avoid the temptation to acquire nuclear weapons. This is because Japan is the only country which has ever suffered the devastation of atomic bombings, and as such has never ceased to appeal for "no more Hiroshimas" and "no more Nagasakis". Japan has also continued to maintain the "Three Non-Nuclear Principles", despite its potential capability to acquire nuclear weapons.

In April this year in Prague, President Barack Obama articulated a vision of a "world without nuclear weapons", inspiring people throughout the globe. I am one of those people. In order to ensure the success of the NPT Review Conference to be held next year in May, we must take action now towards the early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the early commencement of negotiations on a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT).

Here I must touch upon the DPRK. The DPRK's nuclear tests and missile launches are a threat to the peace and stability not only of the region but also of the international community as a whole, and cannot be condoned under any circumstances. It is imperative that the DPRK comply fully with the relevant Security Council resolutions and that the international community implement these resolutions. Japan will continue its efforts to realize the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula through the Six-Party Talks. Japan seeks to normalize relations with the DPRK in accordance with the Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration, through the comprehensive resolution of the outstanding issues of concern with the DPRK, including the abduction, nuclear and missile issues, and by sincerely settling the "unfortunate past". In particular, regarding the abduction issue, constructive actions by the DPRK, including swiftly commencing a full investigation as agreed last year, will be an avenue towards progress in Japan-DPRK relations. If the DPRK takes such constructive and sincere actions, Japan is ready to respond positively.

The fourth challenge is presented by the issues of peacebuilding, development and poverty.

Even hi the twenty-first century, the world has not been liberated from the problems of poverty, infectious diseases, health, education, water and sanitation, food and illegal drugs. The situation is particularly serious in developing countries. I am also compelled to point out the unfortunate reality that fragile or failed States can become breeding grounds for terrorism. The global economic crisis that began last year has been exacerbating the situation. The new Japan should also become a "bridge" in this area.

Japan will work in partnership with international organizations and NGOs and strengthen its assistance to developing countries in terms of both quality and quantity. Japan intends to continue and strengthen the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TIC AD) process, and redouble its efforts towards the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the promotion of human security.

For the stability and the reconstruction of Afghanistan, Japan has provided assistance in a broad range of fields, such as strengthening the security sector including through assistance for the police, and developing social infrastructure. Japan has also extended agricultural assistance and capacity-building support, including vocational training, through JICA, its aid implementation agency. Japan will proactively support Afghanistan's own efforts towards its stability and reconstruction in conjunction with the international community. It goes without saying that the primary actors in achieving peace hi Afghanistan and in advancing national reconstruction are the people of Afghanistan themselves. As progress is made, reconciliation and reintegration of insurgents will become critical issues. Japan will make vital contributions in these areas, including possible reintegration assistance, such as vocational training aimed at providing a means of livelihood to people who have undergone reconciliation. The stability of the surrounding region is also important, and Japan is steadfastly providing support for Pakistan and other countries in the area.

In the world in which we now live, national security and human security are becoming increasingly intertwined. The path forward that will save humanity is one which can bring about "shared security", in which various nations, ethnicities, races and religions coexist while acknowledging the differences among them. In other words, it is to bring about a "shared security" through the principles ofyu-ai or "fraternity".

The fifth challenge is to build an East Asian community.

Today, there is no way that Japan can develop without deeply involving itself in the Asia and the Pacific region. Reducing the region's security risks and sharing each others' economic dynamism based on the principle of "open regionalism" will result in tremendous benefits not only for Japan but also for the region and the international community.

Given the historical circumstances arising from its mistaken actions hi the past, Japan has hesitated to play a proactive role in this region. It is my hope that the new Japan can overcome this history and become a "bridge" among the countries of Asia. I look forward to an East Asian community taking shape as an extension of the accumulated cooperation built up step by step among partners who have the capacity to work together, starting with fields in which we can cooperate—Free Trade Agreements, finance, currency, energy, environment, disaster relief and more. Of course, Rome was not built in a day, so let us seek to move forward steadily on this, even if at a moderate pace.

Mr. President,

In closing, I would like the distinguished representatives to recall that the United Nations is the forum in which "bridging" diplomacy is manifested. In resolving various issues in international peace and stability, development and the environment, among others, the United Nations has an immense role to play. I intend to make greater use of the United Nations and to work to enhance the effectiveness and the efficiency of the United Nations as a whole.

I firmly believe that Japan has the capacity to play an even greater role in the United Nations, and above all at the Security Council, as a "bridge" among various countries. Japan will continue to engage actively in the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform, pursuing the expansion of both permanent and non-permanent membership and Japan's permanent membership in the Council.

This concludes my message from the "new Japan".

Fradique Menezes

Discurso do Presidente de São Tomé e Príncipe,
Fradique Menezes,
no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

Arquive-se.

24 September 2009

Before anything else let me please congratulate Your Excellency Mr. Ali Treiki of Libya, a country with which we maintain excellent relations of brotherhood for your election to this important post, which you will certainly carry out with your usual excellence.

I would also like to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Miguel d'Escoto for the excellent work he carried out during his presidency of the 63rd session on the world economic crisis.


A year has passed since the 63rd Session of the U.N. General Assembly and yet we have still not recovered from the full effects of the global economic crisis, despite enormous efforts on the developed countries.

The same distortions in the world's economy remain. But we are not only facing economic and financial problems.

Our biggest challenge today is guaranteeing the future of our planet not just in the economic sense, but also resolving the climate change issues that threaten the very survival of small island nations like Sao Tome e Principe. Though our carbon emissions are insignificant, and our forests playing a key role as part of the world's lungs, sea level is already causing coastal erosion around our country.

Time is no longer on our side, but has become our unforgiving judge.

There is no time for more unfounded justifications justifying non-fulfillment of the Kyoto Protocol. We cannot continue evading these essential environmental issues that are not a question of developing countries against developed ones.

We need urgent measures which are global and concrete to save us from this crisis.


The Secretary-General's report on the functioning of the United Nations contains some important aspects that we have given considerable attention because my country shares similar concerns.

I am referring to the urgent need for reform the U.N. system. Africa, and especially the small countries on the periphery, continue mired in the deepest poverty.

Our problems are particularly difficult to solve due to a combination of factors, and, therefore, deserve a more systematic approach and more diligent attention from the international community.

Peace and security combined with economic development can only be achieved through multilateral efforts. And Sao tome e Principe gives its unconditional support to seeing this institutionalized on the U.N/s agenda.

In a world still confronting an economic crisis of global proportions, along with the threats we face from climate change, there is an urgent need to guarantee food security as well as energy security, and the only way we can face this as well as pandemic illnesses and the crisis of refugees around the world is through multi-lateral activism, based on international law, on the principles of the U.N. Charter, reaffirming our commitment to achieve the objectives set out on the 2005 U.N. Global Summit.

But these efforts will only be truly achieved when this and other international organizations are run on a more egalitarian basis, and with more solidarity.

In this regard we would like to call for support for the much repeated proposal for reforming the U.N. system, and particularly the issue of permanent members of the Security Council. The latter is nota n issue that can continue to be put off. There must be more justice and the voices of African nations have been heard over and over again asking for representation when issues that are crucial for the world are taken. We strongly support the African Union's call for Africa to be represented on the U.N. Security Council.

Let me also mention the Millennium Development Goals. We are far from making the desired progress on achieving the stated goals. We must do better. But I can say that in Sao Tome e Principe we have made determined efforts, especially to achieve the objectives in the areas of health and education, and we are almost there.


As temperatures have risen over the past decades, causing the glaciers and polar ice caps to melt have already caused sea level rise which threaten our country. These environmental changes cannot be seen in isolation, because they also create an increase in global insecurity, as we all face more violent storms, droughts, and the resulting massive migrations and the growing number of pandemics that sweep through every country which weaken many governments.

The U.N/s negotiations aimed at creating a substitute for the 1997 Kyoto Protocol which establishes limits on greenhouse gas emmissions by 2012 for 37 countries in the developed world, and an attempt to profoundly alter the direction of climate change. We hope that the 2020 objectives can be formalized during the Copehagen Climate Summit. Even in this week's sessions, including those of the Small Island Development States, we have seen the growing concern among all member states to see this Summit succeed.


We would like to express our pleasure with recent positive events beween the Republic of China-Taiwan and the People's Republic of China. We continue to defend a wider participation for the Republic of China- Taiwan at the United Nations. We are gratified with the entry of this nation of 23 million people as an observer at the World Health Organization. We hope to see China-Taiwan at all the other U.N. agencies so that they, too, can take advantage of the valuable contributions this developed country can make. On the other hand, while things are improving as regards China-Taiwan, sadly we are disappointed that there is less progress as regards the trade embargo of Cuba. Though we have seen enormous courage as regards closing Guantanmo, and some other smaller steps, we hope that the new U.S. presidet will soon bring this to an end.


The road ahead is long. World collaboration must be made in terms of availability and responsibility to ensure sustainable development for all countries. I would like to make a call here for greater cooperation between developed and developing countries, between donors and recipients, to ensure that programs work at the grassroots level.

Consultations should not just be at the level of government officials, but should go directly to consult more closely with the actual recipients of the programs designed to increase development. I am referring specifically to consulting more with rural communities, with teachers, with doctors and nurses, with the farmers, fishermen, and all sectors who must be involved with planning and execution as well as accountability.

The United Nations continues to be an indispensible organizaiton for the government and people of Sao Tome e Principe. We hope that the U.N's crusade will continue to maintain peace, to guarantee security, and to support international development efforts for the betterment of all.

Kadafi, Khadaffy, aliás Muammar Al-Qadhafi

    Síntese do discurso do líder líbio Muammar al-Gaddafi, ou Moammar Gadhafi, ou mesmo Muammar al-Qadhafi, também Mu'ammar Al-Qadhafi, ainda Muammar al-Khadafi, aliás como o próprio hesita Moammar El-Gadhafi, Muammar Gadafi (e não al) ou al-Gathafi... no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU (ontem, 27) e que apenas agora se consegue.

    Arquive-se.

MUAMMAR AL-QADHAFI, Leader of the Revolution of Libya, speaking also on behalf of the African Union, said he hoped this gathering would be a historic one. He also congratulated United States President Barack Obama on his first address to the General Assembly. This year’s debate was being held in the midst of many challenges and the world should unite and defeat these challenges, which included climate change, the economic crisis and the food crisis.

He said many Member States were not present when the United Nations was created by three countries years ago. They created the Charter but the Preamble was different from the provisions and articles. No one objected to the Preamble, but he rejected everything that came after. The Preamble of the United Nations Charter said nations were equal, whether large or small. The veto power bestowed upon the five permanent members of the Security Council was, therefore, against the Charter, and he neither accepted nor recognized it.

Continuing, he said the Charter’s Preamble stated that military force should not be used unless there was a common interest. But 65 wars, with millions of victims, had broken out since the creation of the United Nations. Moreover, the Preamble said if there was aggression against any country, the United Nations together would check such actions. Despite that, countries which held the veto used aggressive force against “the people”, even as the Charter said no nation had the right to intervene in the internal affairs of another.

He went on to express concern that right now, calls for reforming the Organization focused only on increasing the number of Member States. That would only make things worse. For instance, adding more Security Council seats would “give rise to more super-Powers, crush the small people and create more poverty”. Such an impractical move would also generate more competition among countries. In any case, the Council should act according to the rules of the United Nations. The solution was to close the admission of new Member States and provide equality among those already belonging to the Organization, he said.

Currently, the Assembly was like a decor without any substance. “You just make a speech and then you disappear...that’s who you are right now,” he said. Setting that right would mean that the Security Council could serve as a tool for implementing resolutions adopted by the Assembly. The Council should represent the interests of all countries, through individual seats or seats held by unions that represented each region of the world. There were equal votes in the Assembly and there should be equal votes next door in the Security Council, he declared, adding that ultimately, for a united and peaceful world, serious Organizational reform was needed. Keeping his focus squarely on Security Council dynamics, he said that the 15-member body practised “security feudalism” for those who had a protected seat. “It should be called the terror council”, he said, underscoring that terrorism could exist in many forms. The super-Powers had complicated interests and used the United Nations for their own purposes. Indeed, the Security Council did not provide the world with security, but gave it “terror and sanctions”. He was not committed to adhere to the Council’s resolutions, which were used to commit war crimes and genocides. He reiterated that the Council did not provide security and the world did not have to obey the rules or orders it decreed, especially as it was currently constituted.

Regarding Africa, the African Union deserved a permanent seat in the Security Council for the suffering it had endured for many years. This had nothing to do with reform, he said, declaring that Africa deserved compensation, amounting to some $77.7 trillion for the resources and wealth that had been stolen in the past. Colonization should be criminalized and people should be compensated for the suffering endured during the reign of colonial power.


Africans were proud and happy that a son of Africa was now governing the United States of America and it was a great thing -- it was a glimmer of light in the dark of the past eight years, he said.

However, he noted the money spent by the United States and the city to secure United Nations Headquarters during the annual Assembly. While thanking the United States for its efforts in hosting the Organization for the past 50 years, he said the United Nations should hold its annual debate in another hemisphere for the next 50 years. He complained about the trouble some diplomats and their staff had in securing visas from the United States Government.

Dmitry Medvedev

Discurso do Presidente da Federação Russa, Dmitry Medvedev
no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

Arquive-se.

23 September 2009

Today I would like to highlight five topics that are, as it seems to. me, important for all of us and for our common approaches to the international agenda.

1. Timing of this meeting.

The current UN GA session is taking place in a very crucial and uneasy point in time. Without exaggeration, we are living through one of the breaking moments of the modern history. Besides the economic crisis - the first wide-scale crisis of globalization era — the world development continues to be threatened by regional and local conflicts, terrorism and trans-border crime, food shortage and climate change. The impact of this crisis continues to be suffered by the majority of the countries of the world. Albeit so far we were able to avoid the worst scenario, the question is still pending: how the huge disbalances and deficits accumulated in the world and national economies amounting to trillions of dollars will be overcome?

The unification agenda has been dictated by life itself. And this dictates the growing demand for the UN as a time tested mechanism of harmonization of interests of different counties.

As never before, we are feeling the need for informal collective leadership; increased role of such formats as G8, and recently, G20, as well as other negotiation and mediation fora. These platforms act not against anyone but in favor of advancing converging interests of their participants. Their agreed approaches are being implemented through' the UN system as well harmonically complementing the comprehensive efforts of this Organization as a pillar of the current world order. Another distinctive feature of the modem time is the increasing role of the regional entities. They become even more active throughout all the continents. This trend is absolutely consistent with the principles of the UN Charter. Russia, on its part, will continue to strengthen the mechanisms of regional interaction together with its partners across the CIS and in the framework of the SCO and BRIC. These mechanisms help respond collectively to common threats, and mitigate the consequences of the crisis for our citizens and increase sustainability of national economies.

2 Existing problems.

Let me dwell on those which cannot be effectively addressed without and beyond the United Nations.

The first one is the disbalance of currently existing mechanisms of world economy governance, inadequacy of their "rules of the game", the gap between the financial markets and the real sector of economy. We need to make joint efforts to establish such financial and economic model that would guarantee everyone from such turmoil in the future.

In fact, all countries have confronted a drop in volumes of output and the living standard of. millions of people. The crisis has exacerbated social problems; and became a trial for the young people at the start of their life; and caused significant growth in unemployment.

A painful blow was delivered to our plans to alleviate poverty. A real threat of disruption of the Millennium Development Goals has manifested itself. We must do our utmost to prevent such a development.

The donor assistance to the countries in need cannot be put off "to the later". The tasks assigned as priority by the world community must be addressed by all means. The arrangements made at the G20 Summits and the UN Conference on world financial and economic crisis and its impact on development must be fulfilled.

The second major task here is to address the issues of global energy security.

Three years ago at the Saint Petersburg G8 Summit, principles of a new legal framework for such cooperation were formulated. The goal is to harmonize the interests of all participants in the energy "chain": suppliers, consumers and transiters. Recently, we have specified these principles and invite everyone to engage in further constructive discussion. We believe that these discussions should be conducted with active involvement of profile multilateral institutions including the UN. family agencies.

The third task that Russia deems important is the throughout strengthening of the United Nations potential. The UN must rationally adapt itself to [new] world realities. It should also strengthen its influence and preserve its multinational nature and integrity of the UN Charter provisions.

The reform of the UN Security Council is an essential component of its revitalization. The time has come to speed up the search for a compromise formula of its expansion and increased efficiency of its work.

3. Disarmament.

A highly challenging task is to move forward the process of multilateral disarmament under the UN auspices. You are aware that positive trends have emerged in overcoming the protracted crisis in this area. The Conference on Disarmament in Geneva has adapted its program of work. Let me mention the Russian-Chinese initiative regarding a treaty on the prevention of the placement of weapons in outer space as well as our proposal to universalize the Russian-American Treaty on the Elimination of the Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles.

Russia will steadily follow the path of verifiable and irreversible reductions in nuclear weapons as an essential element of "the new start" in our relations with the United States. President Obama and I signed a relevant document in Moscow last June. A mandate for further negotiations was agreed upon — to elaborate a legally binding treaty. This treaty should replace the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, which expires this December.

I would like to emphasize the objective relationship between strategic offensive and defensive arms. The recently announced adjustments in the US plans of missile defense system development are in our view a constructive step in the right direction that deserved the positive response of the international community. We are prepared to engage in a thorough discussion of the US proposals and relevant Russia's initiatives regarding cooperation in this area to reach generally acceptable arrangements. The real progress in nuclear disarmament is impossible without addressing such matters of principle as NMD and non-nuclear SOA potential. I expect that the work on a new treaty will be fully consistent with relevant provisions of the joint document endorsed by the US President and me during our meeting in Moscow. We believe that other nuclear States should join the disarmament efforts of Russia and the United States. It is not necessary to wait for further progress in the Russian-American disarmament process. We can start elaborating in advance acceptable and practical arrangements that take into account the differences in the size of potentials. For instance, we can use as an example the decisions of the 1921- 1922 Washington Conference on the naval armaments when the participants agreed on their maximum size of their fleets without trying to achieve their equal levels. If we use the same approach today based on the actual status of nuclear powers arsenal we will give the rest of the world a necessary signal of certainty that the unaccounted numbers will be added to the "equation" of strategic stability.

The 2010 NPT Review Conference will focus on the issues of nuclear disarmament, strengthening of the nuclear non-proliferation regime and peaceful atom. We are looking forward to its success.

The Global Nuclear Security Summit scheduled for next April will provide a good opportunity for a more detailed discussion of these issues.

We have also agreed with the US Administration on joint steps for further progress in such aspects of nuclear security as prevention of nuclear terrorism, and expanding the access for all good faith NPT Members to the achievements of peaceful atom. We call for collective cooperation on these matters.

In order to reach a common understanding on such important issues we must engage all nations and influential international organizations into the abovementioned negotiation processes. The international community has at its disposal such well-tested measures for increasing the level of regional and international security as nuclear free zones. In particular, there is an urgent task of establishing a zone free of all types of WMDs and their means of delivery in the Middle East. This is a long-standing issue. And the 1995 NPT Review Conference had adopted a relevant resolution in this regard. Russia as a member of the Quartet of international mediators on the Middle East settlement consistently supports the efforts aimed at strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime in the Middle East. Russia has made specific proposals in the framework of the NPT review process to search for generally acceptable ways of implementing the relevant NPT decisions. All countries of the region need to take an active stance on this issue and demonstrate their willingness to ensure a real progress in establishing a nuclear free zone.

We also need to speed up the work towards a mechanism to ensure peace and security in North-East Asia. Russia made its proposals in this regard to the participants in the Six-Party Talks. Under the present circumstances this task becomes even more urgent.

4. Regional conflicts and regional security.

We intend to continue to participate in the search for efficient options of settlement for regional conflicts. We are convinced that the use of force can only aggravate this situation. This was demonstrated by a reckless attempt of the Georgian authorities to resolve the problems in their relations with South Ossetia by military means.

Then, in August 2008, we were very close to the situation when a local armed conflict could grow into a full-scale war. I am certain that this is understood by everyone and in order to avoid repetition of such developments we need to have clear and effective mechanisms to implement the principle of indivisibility of security. Without it we will not be able to step over the legacy of the past era, to overcome its instincts and prejudices. Moreover, the irresponsible regimes should not have any opportunity whatsoever to cause disputes among other counties.

The role and place of the modern nations in ensuring global security is one of the most relevant topics. We have repeatedly witnessed situations when the problems emerging on the territory of individual states acquired regional or even global character. Incompetence and inefficiency of national government institutions can provoke consequences that represent risk for several countries. Of course, the prevention of such consequences is a complex issue. But we must think it over together as well.

These issues were at the focus of discussion in the Russian- city of Yaroslavl where a representative international conference was held. The outcome of this discussion is that the future belongs to the smart politics. The current global crisis is not only the crisis of economy but also the crisis of ideas. It accumulates a "critical mass" of outdated policies and development models.

Russia has come up with the initiative to sign a European security treaty and proposed a fresh look at this problem so as to abandon the outdated policies. The Cold War is over. But the world has not become more secure. And this is already a fact known to everyone. Today we need genuinely modern solutions. We also need clear legal framework for already existing political commitments. This includes obligations that would strengthen the following principle: not to ensure one's own security at the expense of security of others.

Our initiative concerns the Euro-Atlantic space. However, its key provision on indivisibility of security is a universal principle applicable to all regions of the world that is fully consistent with the letter and spirit of the UN Charter. The principle of indivisibility of security should become an integral part of the international law.

5. Values.

The protection of human rights and interests, universal application of generally recognized norms and principles in this area should become a basis for strengthening confidence and stability in the international relations. We all share the values that are rooted in the norms of morality, religions, customs and traditions. I am talking about such essential concepts as the right to live, tolerance to dissent, responsibility towards one's family, charity and compassion. This is the basis for both the daily life of people and relations among States.

However, the world is witnessing growing nationalist moods, numerous manifestations of religious intolerance and animosity. Therefore, we consider it to be extremely useful to establish a High Level Group on interreligious dialogue under the UNESCO Director-General. This is especially relevant on the eve of 2010 declared by the UN as the year for Rapprochement of Cultures.

And finally, I cannot but touch upon one more topic as I stand on this podium.

Next year we are going to celebrate the 65th anniversary of the end of the World War II. Russia made a proposal to adopt a relevant UN GA resolution and hold in May next year its special session to commemorate all victims of that war. We cannot allow its horrible lessons to be forgotten.

However, from time to time we see the neo-Nazi organizations raising their head. Racial, national or ethnic crimes are being committed. Attempts are being made to whitewash the Nazism, to deny Holocaust, revise the decisions of the Nuremberg Tribunal.

I am convinced that firm and joint resistance to manifestations of neo-Nazism and attempts to revise the results of the World War II enshrined in the UN Charter should remain a priority task for the United Nations.

The creation of the UN has become one of the main achievements of the world community in the 20th century. There is no and cannot be an alternative to this organization and its fruitful activity. We have no right to forget that the UN possesses a unique international legitimacy. And we all must preserve and strengthen this shared wealth of the peoples of the world.

23 de setembro de 2009

Hu Jintao

Discurso do Presidente da China, Hu Jintao
no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

Arquive-se.

23 September 2009

The world today is undergoing major development, major changes and major adjustments.

The trend towards peace, development and cooperation, which represent the call of our times, has grown stronger than ever. As the world moves further toward multi-polarity and economic globalization, multilateralism and democracy in international relations have won greater popular support, while opening up and cooperation for mutual benefit and win-win progress have become the shared aspirations of the international community. Countries have become more interdependent.

At the same time, the world remains under the impact of the financial crisis and the prospects for an economic recovery are still not clear. Unemployment and poverty worldwide are worsening and development imbalances are more acute. Global issues such as climate change, food security, energy and resource security and public health security have been thrown into sharp relief. Non-traditional security threats, including terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, transnational organized crime and major communicable diseases, are menacing our world. Some long-standing hotspot issues remain unresolved, and regional or local conflicts keep flaring up. The instability and uncertainties in the international landscape pose severe challenges to world peace and development.

In the face of unprecedented opportunities and challenges, we, members of the international community, should commit ourselves to peace, development, cooperation, common progress and tolerance and continue our joint endeavor to build a harmonious world of enduring peace and common prosperity and contribute to the noble cause of peace and development of mankind.

First, we should view security in a broader perspective and safeguard world peace and stability. The security of all countries has never been as closely interconnected as it is today, and security now covers more areas than ever before. Traditional and non-traditional security threats are intertwined, involving political, military, economic, cultural and other fields. They are our common challenges that require a joint and comprehensive response.

Security is not a zero-sum game, and there is no isolated or absolute security. No country can be safe and stable in the absence of world and regional peace and stability.

We should embrace a new security thinking of mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and coordination. While maintaining one's own national security, we should also respect the security concerns of other countries and advance the common security of mankind. We should adhere to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and seek peaceful solutions to regional hotspot issues and international disputes. There should be no willful use or threat of force. We should support the United Nations in continuing to play an important role in the field of international security. We should follow the spirit of equality, mutual benefit and cooperation to preserve global economic and financial stability. And we should oppose terrorism, separatism and extremism in all manifestations and deepen international security cooperation.

China has consistently stood for the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons and a world without nuclear weapons. We call on the international community to take credible steps to push forward the nuclear disarmament process, eradicate the risks of nuclear weapons proliferation and promote peaceful use of nuclear energy and related international cooperation.

Second, we should take a more holistic approach to development and promote common prosperity. The deepening economic globalization has linked the development of all countries closely together. Without the development and equal participation of developing countries, there cannot be common prosperity in the world, nor a more just and equitable international economic order. The developing countries now face a deteriorating external environment, brought about by the international financial crisis. Their economies are slowing down and their development endeavors are beset by serious difficulties.

We believe that common development is an important way to redressing global development imbalances and achieving sustainable development. The United Nations should increase its input in development, advance economic globalization in the direction of balanced development, shared benefits and win-win progress, and foster an international environment conducive to the development of developing countries. The international financial institutions should use their newly increased resources, first and foremost, to help developing countries move out of poverty and provide loans to them in a more flexible, diverse, convenient and efficient manner. Great effort should be made to increase the representation and voice of developing countries in reforming the international financial system.

We should take responsible measures to counter the international financial crisis, firmly oppose protectionism and actively work for an early, comprehensive and balanced outcome of the Doha Round negotiations. Developed countries should open their markets to developing countries and reduce or exempt tariffs for those countries. They should honor their ODA and debt relief commitments, and in particular, increase assistance for the least developed countries with a focus on tackling issues like hunger, health care and education.

For developing countries, self-reliance is essential. They should explore development models conducive to their development and poverty eradication efforts. It is also in their interest to increase trade and investment cooperation and open markets to each other and upgrade South-South cooperation.

Third, we should pursue cooperation with a more open mind and work for mutual benefit and common progress. Climate change, food security, energy and resource security and public health security are all global challenges and no country is immune from them. The only way for us to meet these challenges and ensure harmony and peace is to engage in closer international cooperation. We should aim for common progress, bearing in mind not only the interests of our own people but also those of the people of the whole world, and expand converging interests.

Climate change is one of the serious challenges to human survival and development and international cooperation is the key to tackling this challenge. We should keep to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol as the primary channel in addressing climate change, abide by the principle of "common but differentiated responsibilities", adhere to the mandate of the Bali Roadmap, and work for the success of the Copenhagen conference with a view to achieving mutual benefit and common progress. Food and energy are vital to the livelihood, development and stability of all nations. We should increase input in agriculture, develop advanced technologies, curb market speculation, increase food assistance and intensify cooperation in agriculture and food. We should strengthen mutually beneficial cooperation in energy, step up research and development of new and renewable energies, put in place a system for the research, development and dissemination of advanced energy technologies and diversify energy supply.

The continued spread of Influenza A (H1N1) has presented a global health challenge confronting the entire international community. China is ready to provide help as its ability permits to other developing countries in the prevention and control of Influenza A (H1N1).

Fourth, we should be more tolerant to one another and live together in harmony. Mutual learning and tolerance among different civilizations is an inexhaustible source of strength for social progress, and all countries, big or small, strong or weak, rich or poor, are equal. We should acknowledge differences in cultural tradition, social system and values and respect the right of all countries to independently choose their development paths. We should vigorously promote and protect human rights, increase dialogue and remove misunderstanding. We should advocate a spirit of openness and tolerance and let different civilizations and models of development draw on each other's strength through competition and comparison and achieve common development by seeking common ground while reserving differences.

The Chinese people will soon celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China. Sixty years ago, the Chinese people won independence and liberation after a prolonged hard struggle and became masters of the New China. Thirty years ago, the Chinese people started the historic journey of reform, opening up and socialist modernization. Since then, the Chinese society has shown unprecedented vigor and creativity. China's national strength has grown remarkably and the people are better off. China's development has contributed greatly to peace and development of the world.

History serves as the basis for further advance and provides inspiration for the future. We are keenly aware that China remains a developing country. The difficulties and problems we encounter are rarely seen in both scale and complexity. We have a long way to go before we can meet the target of building a well-off society in all respects that benefits over a billion people, and then achieving modernization and common prosperity for all. Bearing in mind our national conditions, we will continue to be committed to the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, focus on economic development, unswervingly pursue reform and opening up, and promote all-round progress in the economic, political, cultural, social and environmental fields. Our development is for the people and by the people and its benefits are shared among the people. It is a scientific development that is people-oriented, comprehensive, coordinated and sustainable.

China's future is more closely interconnected with that of the world. A more developed China will make greater contribution to the world and bring more opportunities to the world.

We are committed to the path of peaceful development and the win-win strategy of opening up. We will develop friendly relations and cooperation with all countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. China has always been and will continue to be a positive force for world peace and common development. As a responsible and major developing country, China has always made common development an important aspect of its foreign policy. We have made great effort to provide support and assistance to other developing countries, and fulfilled our commitment under the UN Millennium Declaration. So far, we have given assistance to more than 120 countries, cancelled debts for 49 heavily-indebted poor countries and least developed countries, and extended zero-tariff treatment to commodities from over 40 least developed countries. Since the outbreak of the global financial crisis, despite great difficulties, we have kept the RMB exchange rate basically stable, which is important to maintaining healthy international trade. We have taken an active part in the trade finance program of the International Finance Corporation and provided financing support to the IMF, which will be mainly used to help developing countries. We have signed bilateral currency swap agreements with some developing countries. We have established the China-ASEAN Investment Fund, provided credit support to the member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and actively contributed to the building of an East Asian foreign currency reserve pool.

To further assist developing countries:

» China will increase support for other developing countries hit hard by the financial crisis, earnestly implement relevant capital increase and financing plans, intensify trade and investment cooperation and help raise the capacity of relevant countries for risk-resistance and sustainable development.

China will continue to implement the measures announced at the UN High-level Event on Millennium Development Goals to assist other developing countries in speeding up development and facilitate the attainment of the MDGs.

China will follow through on the measures to help African countries announced at the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, increase assistance to Africa, reduce or cancel debts for heavily-indebted poor countries and least developed countries in Africa, expand trade and investment, provide human resources and technological support for African countries in such areas as agriculture, health, education and disaster preparedness and reduction, and intensify personnel training tailored to African needs.

China will continue to participate in and promote regional monetary and financial cooperation, maintain financial and economic stability and push forward financial cooperation and trade in the region.

We are called upon by our times to unite as one and work together for mutual benefit and win-win progress like passengers in the same boat. This is the only way leading to common prosperity. Let's join hands, share development opportunities, rise above challenges and make unremitting effort to build a harmonious world of enduring peace and common prosperity!

Gordon Brown

Discurso do primeiro-ministro do Reino Unido, Gordon Brown
no Debate Geral da 64.ª sessão da Assembleia Geral da ONU.

Arquive-se.

23 September 2009

We met a year ago, on the brink of a global crisis, and, as national leaders spoke in turn at this podium, the full scale of the danger became clear: a threat not just to jobs, businesses and life savings but - with the imminent risk of failure of the world’s banking system - the prospect of entire countries failing, as nations across Eastern Europe, Asia and Latin America struggled to access credit.

The crisis demanded global action.

As never before, the fate of every country rested on the actions of all. And as the fear of the unthinkable took hold, we reached a clear choice: to fail separately or to succeed together.

At the G20 in Washington and again in London, we made our choice. Governments came together to begin the fight back against the global recession; we acted in concert, recognising:

• that national interests could be protected only by serving the common interest;
• that in this new global age the economy is indivisible and recession anywhere can
threaten prosperity everywhere;
• that for growth to be sustained it has to be shared;
• and that global challenges can only be mastered through global solutions.

So today we can draw strength from the unprecedented unity that has defined the past year - but we cannot be complacent. For while it may seem strange to say so after a time of such intense global action, our world is entering a six-month period which may prove even more testing for international cooperation.

We face five urgent challenges that demand momentous decisions - decisions that I would argue are epoch-making - on:

• climate change,
• terrorism,
• nuclear proliferation,
• poverty and
• shared prosperity

Once again we are at a point of no return. And just as the collapse of the banks focused our minds a year ago, so we must now grasp this next set of issues.

If we do not reach a deal at Copenhagen, if we miss this opportunity to protect our planet, we cannot hope for a second chance some time in the future. There will be no retrospective global agreement to undo the damage we will have caused. This is the moment, now, to limit and reverse the climate change we are inflicting on future generations. Not later, at another conference, in another decade, after we have lost ten years to inaction and delay.

And if in Afghanistan we give way to the insurgency, Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups will return and from that sanctuary once again plot, train for, and launch attacks on the rest of the world.

There can be no chance of a nuclear-free world, if we allow Iran to develop nuclear weapons and in doing so set off a new arms race.

There can be no global compact for jobs and growth if we choke off recovery by failing to follow through on the co-ordinated global fiscal expansion we agreed and put in place.

And if we do not act together to fight preventable illness, there can be no plan to save tomorrow the 12,000 children who are dying in Africa today and every day. So I say we need world agreement.

First, on climate change.

Despite the promises we have all made, the road to a successful outcome on climate change in Copenhagen is not assured. Why? Above all, because a robust and long term climate change deal requires money. If the poorest and most vulnerable are going to be able to adapt; if the emerging economies are going to embark on low carbon development paths; if the forest nations are going to slow and stop deforestation - then the richer countries must contribute financially.

That is why I have proposed a new approach to financing our action against climate change, which will provide substantially increased, additional and predictable flows, from both public and private sectors, of around $100bn a year by 2020. We must make progress on this in the coming days.

A post-2012 agreement on climate change at Copenhagen is the next great test of our global cooperation. Each of us has a duty of leadership to make it happen. We must build on our discussions at Secretary-General Ban’s meeting here this week. And I have said I will go to Copenhagen to conclude the deal. This is too important an agreement - for the global economy, and for the future of every nation represented here - to leave to our official negotiators. So I urge my fellow leaders to commit themselves to going to Copenhagen too.

Second - terrorism.

A safer Afghanistan means a safer world. But none of us can be safe if we walk away from that country-or from our common mission and resolve.

NATO and its partners from Australia to Japan must agree new ways to implement our strategy - ensuring that Afghanistan, its army, its police and its people assume greater responsibility for the security of their own country.

So too must we unite against every source of terror and injustice in our world.

It shames us all:

• that the people of Somalia and Sudan are still subject to the most terrible violence;
• that Israel and Palestine have still not found a way to live side by side in security and peace;
• and that for the people of Burma, their elected leader is subjected to a show trial and decades of incarceration.

There is more we can do; there is more we must do. And we must carry forward our efforts to take a more strategic, coherent and effective approach to peacekeeping and peacebuilding.

Third - nuclear proliferation.

Once there were five nuclear-armed powers. Now there are nine, with the real and present danger that more will soon follow. And the risk is not just state aggression, but the acquisition of nuclear weapons by terrorists.

So we are at a moment of danger when decades of preventing proliferation could be overturned by damaging rise in proliferation.

If we are serious about the ambition of a nuclear free world we will need statesmanship, not brinkmanship.

Tomorrow’s Security Council Resolution will be vital as we move forwards towards next year’s global nuclear security summit in April and the Review Conference in May.

My proposal is a grand global bargain between nuclear weapon and non nuclear weapons states.

And there are three elements to it where careful and sober international leadership is essential and in which Britain will play its part on the responsibilities on non nuclear states, on the rights of non nuclear states, and on the responsibilities of nuclear weapon states.

First, let there by no ambiguity: Iran and North Korea must know that the world will be even tougher on proliferation and we are ready to consider further sanctions. Britain will insist that the onus on non nuclear states is that in future it is for them to prove they are not developing nuclear weapons.

Second, Britain will offer civil nuclear power to non nuclear states ready to renounce any plans for nuclear weapons: helping non-nuclear states acquire what President Eisenhower so memorably called “atoms for peace.” With others we will be prepared to sponsor a Uranium bank outside these countries to help them access civil nuclear power. And Britain is ready to launch a new nuclear centre of excellence to help develop an economic low-carbon proliferation-resistant nuclear fuel cycle.

Third, all nuclear weapons states must play their part in reducing nuclear weapons as part of an agreement by non nuclear states to renounce them. This is exactly what the Non Proliferation Treaty intended. In line with maintaining our nuclear deterrent I have asked our national security committee to report to me on the potential future reduction of our nuclear weapon submarines from four to three.

Fourth, while economic cooperation has stabilised the international banking system and forged a foundation for the resumption of economic growth, recovery is neither entrenched nor irreversible.

The great lesson of the last year is that only bold and global action prevented a recession becoming a depression. We have delivered a co-ordinated fiscal and monetary response that the ILO estimates has saved 7 to 11 million jobs across the world.

So at Pittsburgh tomorrow, we must cement a global compact for jobs and growth - a compact to bring unemployment down and bring rising prosperity across the globe: • maximising the impact of the stimulus measures we have agreed, with proper planning of exit strategies, to make sure the recovery does not falter; that we do not turn off the life support for our economy prematurely; • facilitating agreement setting clear objectives on how each of us can best contribute to worldwide growth in the future; • and ensuring that such growth is balanced and sustainable.

We need strong economic co-ordination now as we navigate the uncertainties of recovery. I therefore propose that we launch the compact by agreeing that we are committed to high levels of growth on a sustainable and balanced basis.

This must be backed up by comprehensive reform of the financial sector, including international principles on bonuses. And we must strengthen our targeting of tax havens with, from next March, real sanctions against those jurisdictions which fail to meet global standards.

But the voice of Africa will have to be heard and heeded to bring recovery in areas devastated by the events of the past year and to assure that we do not put the millennium development goals beyond reach as a result of a wider failure of global responsibility.

In London, the G20 agreed measures to result in $50 billion for poor countries to help them weather the crisis. Because of London, the IMF can lend $8 billion instead of $2 billion over this year and next. This is already helping Kenya and Tanzania to increase government spending in response to the crisis.

For amid all the challenges we face, we must remember a promise we made 10 years ago.

And this is the fifth and final imperative: to achieve a vision for 2015 we are now in danger of betraying. On present trends it will take not five years as we pledged and not even 50 years, but more than 100 years to deliver on some of the Millennium Development Goals.

The unyielding, grinding, soul-destroying, so often lethal poverty I saw in Africa convinced me that unless empowerment through trade justice is matched by empowerment through free education and free health care, then this generation in sub- Saharan Africa will not have the opportunity to rise out of poverty and will never be fully free.

The greatest of injustices demands the boldest of actions.

Today - at this United Nations General Assembly - we will see the beginnings of universal free health care in Africa and Asia as Burundi, Sierra Leone, Malawi, Nepal, Liberia and Ghana all make major announcements that extend free care and abolish fees.

As a result of these actions, more than 10 million more people in Africa and Asia will now have access to free health services. Ten million who will now for the first time get the treatment they need without being turned away or fearing how they will pay.

I urge you all to match the leadership of these countries with your own support. And I commit the UK to doing so.

Let us remember how in 1945 nations facing a multiplicity of challenges summoned up the energy and vision not just to rebuild from the rubble and ruin of war, but to establish a new international order for shared security and progress.

The same principles must now inspire new and better, more representative, and more effective ways of working together.

And as we learn from the experience of turning common purpose into common action in this our shared global society, so we must forge a progressive multilateralism that depends on us finding within ourselves and together the qualities of moral courage and leadership that for our time and generation can make the world new again-and for the first time in human history, create a truly global society.